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A Test Case in Providence: Can Majority-White Teachers Unions Be Anti-Racist?

As they launch a Racial Justice Committee, Providence, Rhode Island educators confront a national issue: can teachers unions 鈥 overwhelmingly white and generally built to protect their senior members 鈥 be levers of anti-racist change?

By Asher Lehrer-Small | November 30, 2020
A mural painted in June by Providence artist @naturalsnatural memorializes George Floyd and Breonna Taylor. It faces two of the city鈥檚 high schools, Classical and Central, and stands next door to the school district鈥檚 main office. (@naturalsnaturals via Instagram)

Updated, Dec. 1

For years, dual language educator Deidania Pe帽a-DaRosa had been hoping for the chance to make changes in the Providence, Rhode Island school district where she works. Chronically underperforming, and serving 91 percent students of color, Providence was described last year by a team of Johns Hopkins University researchers as having .

So when the Providence Teachers Union formed a Racial Justice Committee this past summer aimed at addressing systemic racism in the district, Pe帽a-DaRosa was eager to participate.

Similar union-based groups sprung up across the country following George Floyd鈥檚 death, from Boston to Texas to California. Even the American Federation of Teachers and the National Education Association 鈥 which tend to be less vocal than their local affiliate groups 鈥 to adopt criminal justice reforms to 鈥減rotect Black communities from the systemic perils of over-policing.鈥

However, when Pe帽a-DaRosa joined her district鈥檚 committee, she sometimes found it hard to speak her mind.

鈥淚f I say this would it bother other people?鈥 she frequently found herself wondering during meetings. 鈥淲ill other people look at it as being defensive?鈥

Those thoughts rooted in another question she harbored: why are there so few educators of color in the group? Though more than 100 union members had joined the Racial Justice Committee, the majority of them were white.

The problem was deeper than that. The Providence teaching force 鈥 for decades mismatched with student demographics 鈥 is , the exact same percentage as the nation as a whole. After the district was taken over by the state last year because of its dismal performance, officials took aim at upping the number of teachers of color in Providence schools, but have yet to substantially move the needle.

Now seeking to transform its union into an engine for equity, Providence鈥檚 Racial Justice Committee confronts an issue shared by similar groups across the country: can teachers unions 鈥 overwhelmingly white and generally built to protect and benefit their senior members 鈥斅燽e levers of anti-racist change?

A 鈥榗autious trust鈥

Before the Racial Justice Committee, few in the city saw the teachers union as an organization focused on social justice.

鈥淭he district and union have paid a lot of lip service to racial equity but very little has changed in the 29-plus years I鈥檝e taught,鈥 said Michelle Manning, who was a member of the committee and longtime teacher before recently leaving the district due to personal matters.

With one exception, the PTU鈥檚 leadership team is , and the union has not always been an ally to past social justice causes in the district. Last year, for example, when student organizing groups in the city, such as the Providence Student Union, campaigned for replacing school police with counselors, the .

Providence Teachers Union executive board. Union President Maribeth Calabro said there is a person of color on the board, but her photo is not on the website. (Providence Teachers Union website)

According to Aarav Sundaresh, a leader in the Racial Justice Committee and high school art teacher in Providence, much of the group鈥檚 initial work has focused on forging connections with community organizations, such as the Providence Student Union, that the PTU had alienated in the past.

鈥淚鈥檝e learned through this racial justice group that building these alliances and having these conversations 鈥 is a concrete action step,鈥 he said.

And while the committee鈥檚 membership, like the union鈥檚 membership, is majority white, the group has centered voices of color in decision-making and leadership.

鈥淭he BIPOC folx (Black, Indigenous, and people of color folks) are the ones to lead the initiatives and committees. The white allies are here to lean in, learn and expand the RJC vision and mission to the larger membership,鈥 union President Maribeth Calabro explained over email to 蜜桃影视.

Unlike Pe帽a-DaRosa, who has at times felt reticent sharing her thoughts in the face of the group鈥檚 whiteness, other committee members of color said they do feel comfortable speaking out.

鈥淲hen I speak up at the committee, I feel like they do listen,鈥 said Crystal Swepson, who is Black and taught elementary school for years in Providence before this year transferring to the city鈥檚 virtual learning academy. She said that during the committee鈥檚 Zoom meetings, one teacher repeatedly messages the chat with reminders for white educators to leave space for members of color to speak.

To Swepson, the union is late to the racial justice party. She remembers that just a few years ago, they were not talking about anti-racist work. But she鈥檚 glad to see the birth of the new group. (鈥淵ou鈥檝e gotta start somewhere,鈥 she says.) While not ready to fully rely on the power structure, she鈥檚 placing a 鈥渃autious trust鈥 in the PTU as it hosts the Racial Justice Committee.

鈥淚t鈥檚 not this blind belief,鈥 she said. 鈥淵ou know, sleeping with one eye open.鈥

Initial successes

Despite misgivings with the union itself, the Racial Justice Committee has scored some key early wins, helping bolster its credibility.

As Providence reopened its schools in September, the committee, concerned for students鈥 safety and their own, staged a number of . Sundaresh, who was one of the organizers, felt like the committee鈥檚 justice-based message was resonating with the community.

鈥淚 would never have imagined six months ago last spring 鈥 that a group of teachers would be standing outside the Department of Education calling out through a megaphone how addressing the school reopening challenges required us to break down the systems of white supremacy,鈥 he said, meaning a failure to mitigate COVID鈥檚 risks could place historically marginalized groups like Providence鈥檚 nearly 24,000 students, 91 percent of whom are students of color and 84 percent from low-income families, in harm鈥檚 way.

鈥淚 would never have imagined those words being used. And being received. That was amazing.鈥

In September, members of the Providence Teachers Union rallied against school reopening outside the Rhode Island Department of Education building while the State Council on Elementary and Secondary Education met inside. (Barry Chin/The Boston Globe via Getty Images)

Again in October, the committee took action to help teachers recognize Indigenous People鈥檚 Day. Members created and distributed lesson plans to help teachers highlight Indigenous history before the holiday that traditionally honors Christopher Columbus.

Pe帽a-DaRosa incorporated the lessons into her Spanish class, reading her students a book about an Indigenous woman in the modern-day Dominican Republic.

She watched her students light up, bubbling with questions, especially when they examined a map of the Indigenous people of Central America. Some of her students spoke Quich茅, a native language from Guatemala, and started an impromptu mini-lesson.

鈥淚 could see that they felt proud of sharing some of their own stories. Because I was asking 鈥極h, how do you say this?鈥 and they were teaching me how to say certain words in Quich茅 translated into Spanish,鈥 said Pe帽a-DaRosa. 鈥淚 was learning from them.鈥

鈥楾he long game鈥

The Racial Justice Committee鈥檚 work mirrors that of many other union-based groups across the country following this summer鈥檚 massive protests. In Houston and Austin, teachers rallied against racial disparities in suspensions, Houston Federation of Teachers President Zeph Capo told 蜜桃影视. Members of many other unions in cities like Milwakee and Chigago organized for police-free schools.

Black Students Matter demonstrators march in Washington, D.C. as part of Juneteenth, a celebration to mark the end of slavery in the U.S. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)

Even having made some key changes, however, Providence teachers who are familiar with the ways of union organizing, say that their Racial Justice Committee has a long way to go before it can truly push the PTU in a new direction.

Anna Kuperman, who has worked in Providence schools for over two decades and is a member of the committee, said the district鈥檚 teachers union operates using a 鈥渂usiness union model,鈥 meaning they negotiate for salaries and benefits, but tend to shy away from community-related causes. That agenda, Kuperman said, contrasts with the 鈥渟ocial justice union鈥 model that some prominent urban unions, such as Chicago and Seattle, have adopted.

A lot of legwork goes into changing a union, says Kuperman, who is an anti-war organizer in her free time. In contrast to the PTU, the Boston Teachers Union, which recently held a for community members, has evolved over the years to bake social justice into its organizational DNA. Kuperman doesn鈥檛 believe that Providence is there yet.

鈥淭he Racial Justice Committee is a step in that direction,鈥 Kuperman said.

“I’m trying like hell as a middle-aged white dude who’s grown up with a certain amount of privilege … And I really believe in moving the organization鈥 鈥Jeremy Sencer, PTU vice president

Committee member Lindsay Paiva, who teaches in the district and works with a local racial justice organization on the side, agrees.

鈥淚t starts like this,鈥 she said. 鈥淚t starts with a core group that slowly builds grassroots and then gets folks in leadership.鈥

While the current union leadership in Providence has thus far touted the work of the Racial Justice Committee, some members wonder whether that support would continue if their work seemed to put PTU President Calabro鈥檚 position in jeopardy.

鈥淸Calabro] recognizes that things need to change,鈥 said Swepson. 鈥淚 wonder how close to her she鈥檚 willing to allow that change to happen.鈥

Union Vice President Jeremy Sencer insists that his support for the Racial Justice Committee is unconditional. If union members would like to see leadership change, he encourages them to run against him.

“I’m trying like hell as a middle-aged white dude who’s grown up with a certain amount of privilege… And I really believe in moving the organization,鈥 Sencer told 蜜桃影视. 鈥淚’m not looking for anything out of it.”

Paiva would cheer a new PTU executive team, but she also acknowledges that the union may still have a long way to go before leadership turnover 鈥 and that the changes will likely take time.

鈥淚t鈥檚 slow. This is the long game,鈥 she said. 鈥淭ackling white supremacy is a slow-ass game.鈥

A teaching force that reflects the city

The committee鈥檚 mission statement names diversification of the Providence teaching force as a key priority. So too does Providence鈥檚 , a report released in June detailing priorities for improving the district over the next half decade, which calls for an approximately 50 percent increase in teachers of color.

Providence parent Ramona Santos Torres, co-founder of Rhode Island-based advocacy group , believes that those changes are particularly urgent.

Fellow parents have told her countless stories of educators mistreating their children, she said. Her own daughter was once called 鈥渘asty鈥 by a teacher in the district. And in an interview she conducted as a member of the Johns Hopkins University team reviewing the Providence schools, a student told Santos Torres that their teacher had threatened them by saying a border patrol agent was going to pick them up.

Student organizations in Providence have been vocal in their criticism of teacher racism in the district. Members of the last year spoke to reporters at the Providence Journal about their own experiences of 鈥攆or one student, quips about her natural hair; for another, threats of calling police; for yet another, being told he deserves to be in jail for missing class. Another youth organization in the city authored a report on .

In the face of 2019 data showing high Black suspension rates in the district, outgoing former superintendent Chris Maher bluntly .

Racist teachers, Santos Torres believes, should not be allowed to stay in Providence.

鈥淭here are people in this district who should not be in schools,鈥 she said. 鈥淚 shouldn鈥檛 be afraid to talk about racist teachers because people are just going to get offended.鈥

To address staffing questions in the district, the Racial Justice Committee may well look first at the union itself, according to Brown University Professor of Education Emily Qazilbash, who researches teacher collective bargaining.

鈥淚t鈥檚 very appropriate that the Providence Teachers Union is focusing on racial justice,鈥 said Qazilbash. 鈥淏ut I do think that they need to really reflect on their role in the hiring processes that they鈥檝e bargained with the district.鈥

Because district officials are currently locked in contract negotiations with union leaders that have been at a since the previous agreement expired at the end of August, district officials are legally barred from speaking about any details of the contract.

鈥淲e hire a lot of educators of color. We don鈥檛 retain them.鈥 鈥Barbara Mullen, chief equity officer, Providence public schools

Qazilbash, however, explained that when teacher dismissal policies are based on seniority, as prescribed by union contracts throughout the country, normal student enrollment fluctuations can make retention of new teachers of color difficult.

鈥淚f there鈥檚 some fantastic鈥 teacher of color that you鈥檝e been so excited to hire, but you have to reduce your teaching force by one, you could lose that person, and they鈥檙e just gone,鈥 she explained.

Barbara Mullen, Providence public schools chief equity and diversity officer. (Providence Public School District)

Barbara Mullen, the chief equity officer in Providence public schools, agrees that retention is the crux of the issue when it comes to changing the Providence teaching force.

鈥淲e hire a lot of educators of color,鈥 she told 蜜桃影视. 鈥淲e don鈥檛 retain them.鈥

Just two decades ago, around the time Mullen says many of Providence鈥檚 current teaching force began their careers, Providence was a different city. Between 2000 and 2015, Latino students went from . At the same time, white student enrollment fell by almost half, from 18 percent to under 10 percent. It鈥檚 time the teaching force caught up to those numbers, said Mullen.

鈥淭he district needs to be reflective of where we are as a community, not where we were.鈥

鈥榊ou can鈥檛 just say the words鈥

But even while diversifying the teaching force in Providence is a key priority, many of the educators of color that 蜜桃影视 spoke to believe there is a place for white people in anti-racist work in the district.

鈥淚t doesn鈥檛 bother me that the Racial Justice Committee is mostly white people,鈥 said Swepson. 鈥淚t makes me actually feel good that they鈥檙e looking at themselves because they鈥檙e the ones who are creating the system.鈥

Karla Vigil, a Providence native and former teacher, now runs the Rhode Island-based , which the union has contracted with to conduct a series of trainings for members of the Racial Justice Committee. As they have moved through the training on systemic racism and its links to education, she鈥檚 seen the concepts click for many educators.

鈥淢any of the teachers, especially white teachers, were shocked. They were surprised. They had no idea,鈥 she told 蜜桃影视.

And though Vigil was hesitant to work with the committee, given the union鈥檚 track record in the district, she鈥檚 been pleasantly surprised by how the sessions have gone.

鈥淚t鈥檚 been great,鈥 she said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 been actually really great.鈥

The only missing piece to their sessions has been the conspicuous absence of one key individual: the PTU president. Calabro hasn鈥檛 attended any of the Equity Institute training sessions, though she informed 蜜桃影视 that she has missed the meetings due to conflicting union commitments. Still, the president’s absence doesn’t sit right with Vigil, who believes union leadership should be learning and growing alongside its members.

鈥淚 think she should be in the sessions with her teachers, but she鈥檚 not,鈥 she said. 鈥淚f you are saying the words, you have to do the work. You can鈥檛 just say the words.鈥

https://twitter.com/Renny920/status/1268975229042393088

Paiva, a white educator herself, has a similar mantra.

鈥淭here鈥檚 this balance鈥 to strike between deferring to folks of color while not overburdening folks of color,鈥 she said. 鈥淚 try to sign up for work that will support but not control the message.鈥

鈥淒o the unsexy work,鈥 Paiva says.

Community 鈥榓t the center of everything鈥

As Paiva, Sundaresh, Swepson, and their colleagues work to transform the PTU, it seems that their union may need the support of Providence families just as much as those families need the support of the union. According to Kuperman, the failure to build ties with community members directly harms teachers in the district.

鈥淵ou don鈥檛 get a good contract if parents hate you,鈥 she explained bluntly. 鈥淎nd parents are gonna hate you if you鈥檙e not standing up for the [issues] that matter to them.鈥

鈥淚f we were to go on strike tomorrow, if we don鈥檛 have parental support and we don鈥檛 have the public on our side, that鈥檚 not going to look good,鈥 agreed Paiva.

To win community support, Santos Torres has a message for the Racial Justice Committee, and for the union at large.

鈥淧ut the students and the families at the center of everything,鈥 she says.

Pe帽a-DaRosa, who harbors strong opinions despite her hesitancy sometimes to speak out during Racial Justice Committee meetings, agrees.

鈥淯s teachers can鈥檛 do it alone,鈥 she said. 鈥淲e really need to bring the community in, because that鈥檚 who we serve.鈥


Lead Image:聽A mural painted in June by Providence artist @naturalsnatural memorializes George Floyd and Breonna Taylor. It faces two of the city鈥檚 high schools, Classical and Central, and stands next door to the school district鈥檚 main office. (@naturalsnaturals via Instagram)

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