Cinco de Mayo commemorates a Mexican victory over French invaders, but May 5, 1862, is also an important day for the United States.

On this day, our country was in the throes of the Civil War. Battles raged in Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky. If Napoleon III鈥檚 French army had been successful in Mexico, it might have spelled doom for the Union and their efforts to abolish slavery. The Confederates were actively seeking a European ally on their southern border, and some historians believe that Napoleon III would have advanced to the United States after taking Mexico. So when the Mexicans defeated the French at the Battle of Puebla (what we now call Cinco de Mayo), the Union celebrated.

This related history is rarely taught in schools, but as a children鈥檚 author and historian, I knew I had to bring this moment alive for today鈥檚 students. Through a trio of time-traveling children and their intrepid quest to find a magic sword, my latest book tells the story of Cinco de Mayo as it needs to be told: as a triumph for freedom in all the Americas.

What students learn from Cinco de Mayo is that our democracy depends on other countries. When they know that history, they know that isolating our nation doesn鈥檛 put America first 鈥� it leaves us behind. We are all connected, and history teaches that the U.S. does best when we work with, and not against, our neighbors.

By designating English as the official language and renaming the Gulf of Mexico, the current administration makes Latin America seem distant and unfamiliar. But Cinco de Mayo reminds us that we shared a common vision of freedom with this region.

My young protagonists have a time-traveling aunt, who after the Battle of Puebla tells them about the victory鈥檚 layered meaning: 鈥淎merica can be a land of republics,鈥� she says. 鈥淚t means Latinos can govern themselves. It means the underdog can win.鈥�

As my characters witness the strife unfolding in the United States and Mexico, one of them muses on her admiration for those who fought for a world 鈥渨here kings and queens live in fairy tales, not in government houses.鈥�

When we take a hemispheric approach to history 鈥� meaning when we study what was happening throughout the Americas and not just in one country 鈥� it makes sense why Cinco de Mayo is perennially popular. Early Cinco de Mayo parties in the United States displayed the flags of Mexico, the United States, Chile, and Peru, which were the leading republics at that time.

It is clear that we owe our freedom today to the soldiers and leaders who stood up to the threats of wealthy planters and a self-declared emperor from overseas. The Union army included many immigrants and children of immigrants as well as Black and Native American soldiers. And the Mexican army had soldiers of mixed heritage 鈥� mestizos 鈥� as well as Indigenous peoples. Those who fought for liberty were not a monolith, but they shared a democratic ideal.

The upper elementary and middle school years are the perfect time to learn about democracy. Kids this age generally feel restricted by grown-ups, so they intuitively understand the worth of independence. They get that monarchies are bad, and given how eager the students are to make their small voices heard, they understand that living in a democracy is precious.

In my recent trips to schools to read the book, I try to build on children鈥檚 instinctive sense of justice. When teaching them about France trying to recolonize Mexico, I remind them that the country had already become independent at the time of the incursion.

鈥淭hat鈥檚 not fair!鈥� at least one or two students in every school group shout. 鈥淓xactly,鈥� I say, reinforcing the importance of the rule of law.

We cannot expect children to care about democracy if we never teach them about it in more than just an abstract way. But through fiction, we can take young readers to the most critical moments in history and show them the turning points that shaped the United States and nations around us. They will learn that wherever we are in the Americas, we depend on one another for our freedom.

While a majority agree on democracy鈥檚 importance, many feel unsure how to effectively participate in it or preserve it. For some, the frustration has taken a concerning turn: 11% said political violence is sometimes necessary to achieve progress. 

And while the poll鈥檚 creators expected to find significant variance based on race, gender and location 鈥� rural versus urban, for example 鈥� other factors, including socioeconomic status and access to civics education, played a major role in shaping young peoples鈥� beliefs. 

For example, those who received less support for their civic development 鈥渁re less committed to a democracy that they may not feel prepared to participate in or feel they are a part of,鈥� the report notes. 

鈥淭hey鈥檙e not completely disaffected,鈥� said research specialist Deborah Apau of Gen Z. 鈥淭he problem is that while they do believe in democracy, they don鈥檛 feel that democracy as they experience it today is delivering for them. It鈥檚 that disconnection that鈥檚 really causing the issue.鈥�

The poll was conducted between Nov. 14-26, 2024, just after a historically contentious presidential election in which the youth vote . The results were released earlier this month by the Center for Information & Research on Civic Learning and Engagement at Tufts University and Protect Democracy, a nonprofit 鈥渄edicated to defeating the authoritarian threat, building more resilient democratic institutions, and protecting our freedom.鈥� The polling firm Ipsos collected the data.

The findings might help explain Donald Trump鈥檚 popularity among young voters in his third run: nearly half under 30 supported the Republican nominee,聽, a survey of more than 120,000 voters. While he had massive appeal for young white men, he also fared well with young Latino men, who split their vote between Trump and Democrat Kamala Harris.聽

The CIRCLE and Protect Democracy poll, which measured Gen Z鈥檚 beliefs and perspectives on democracy, civil rights and political violence, along with their support for bipartisan cooperation and feelings toward opposing political groups, revealed that young people crave bipartisanship and compromise.

Nearly 4 out of 5 say leaders of opposing parties should work together and 65% believe people with deeply opposing political views can find common ground. Likewise, only 17% agree that those who hold political opinions different from their own are 鈥渨rong.鈥� 

Nearly three quarters of its 1,286 respondents said elected leaders should not be able to go above the law. The poll鈥檚 findings are landing at a time when many see the country as on the verge of a constitutional crisis, with Trump and at least one federal court judge finding grounds last week .

In an effort to engage young people, the organizations recommend they be brought into the democratic process, that the nation invest in civic learning, and that those wishing for Gen Z to boost their participation acknowledge their diversity and create opportunities for collaboration and collective action that leverages their strengths.

The poll notes that young people’s lives were shaped by economic instability, history-making political shifts, a proliferation of school shootings, the rise of social media and COVID. A full 81% of respondents acknowledged the value and meaning of free and fair elections.

The survey found, too, that 63% had a 鈥減assive appreciation鈥� of democracy, meaning they trust government institutions, have a high regard for democratic principles, and reject authoritarianism and political violence. But, the study鈥檚 authors note, their satisfaction and trust may be leading to complacency as this group generally does not take political action outside of voting.

Thirty-one percent had a 鈥渄ismissive detachment鈥� from democracy: They didn鈥檛 express through the survey that they value core democratic principles and processes. They have low confidence in the system as it is working now and demonstrate higher support for authoritarian governance compared to their peers in other categories. 

Pollsters note this group has 鈥渢he lowest levels of media literacy, suggesting that they are often consuming political information without the ability or willingness to confirm its source, truthfulness, or intent.鈥� They also reported little confidence in their ability to be effective political actors.

Seven percent of Gen Z participants had a 鈥渉ostile dissatisfaction鈥� with democracy. While they value its core principles, they are 鈥渉ighly displeased鈥� with it as they are experiencing it today, authors note. 

Despite 鈥� or perhaps because of 鈥� their frustration, they are the most politically active within this age group and express the highest support for political violence. The report notes, too, they are highly polarized 鈥渁nd their frustrations with the current system run so deep that they are more willing to consider extreme measures to achieve political goals.鈥�

They are by far the most likely to participate in other forms of civic action like volunteering or taking on leadership roles and are willing to fight for the democracy they want. The report notes they score highest of all in media literacy, “which suggests they may be more informed about the state of democracy than some of their peers.”聽

They are also more ideologically liberal than those in the other two groups and are more likely to be queer compared to the passive appreciation cohort.

鈥淎s knowledgeable actors with a respect for democratic values and a willingness to actively participate through both traditional and non-traditional forms of civic action, these youth who feel a hostile dissatisfaction with our democracy are also a powerful force for reshaping it,鈥� the report observes. 

Sara Suzuki, senior researcher at CIRCLE, was surprised by the size of the first group defined by its 鈥減assive appreciation.鈥� While she鈥檚 concerned about their relative inaction, she sees opportunity for them 鈥渢o do something about the problems they see instead of sort of letting it happen.鈥�

Apau, of Protect Democracy, said even the group that supports violence as a means of change still believes in democratic ideals 鈥� including its ability to function well.  

鈥淭hey feel they’ve exhausted their options in terms of participating in things like voting and protests and they’re not able to secure the responses that they want,鈥� she said.

Apau said it鈥檚 important to understand Gen Z and give them the tools they need, 鈥渟o they’re resourced, they have the knowledge they need to move throughout the world later in life and in adulthood 鈥� and understand how systems work.鈥�

The recent turbulence in government 鈥� including of federal agencies, with immediate public impact and shifts in longstanding policies 鈥� offers a crucial opportunity. Rather than disengage in frustration, teachers and education leaders should seize this moment to deepen civic literacy, ensure that communities understand how government functions and empower citizens to be active participants in self-governance. With headlines dominated by government upheaval, now is the time to turn confusion into curiosity and curiosity into community involvement. The more people understand the roles of the three branches of government, the function of federal and state agencies and their own rights, the better equipped they are to engage as citizens.

Civics education is most effective when state and local officials, both elected and appointed, are open to input, feedback and participation by constituents, allowing students to see firsthand how citizen engagement leads to real outcomes. Nationally, state and local governments employed approximately, an increase from 19.2 million in 2022. This demonstrates that the vast majority of government operations occur at the state and local levels, not in Washington, D.C. The teachers in public schools, the sanitation workers who keep streets clean, the public health officials who guide communities through crises all are part of local governance. When young people see how these systems work, they realize government is not an abstract institution; it鈥檚 the infrastructure of daily life.

, the education nonprofit organization I lead, has long worked to engage students in community-based civic learning. Through research and projects that address real issues, students interact with elected officials and government agencies at the city and state levels, building critical problem-solving skills while making a tangible impact. For example, a group of high school students from Urban Assembly Institute for Math and Science for Young Women in Brooklyn, New York, used community-based civics to . They launched a project to improve police-student relationships through open dialogue and policy recommendations, demonstrating how civic learning can lead to real change. More than just casting a ballot, participating in self-government involves talking to neighbors about issues, organizing with peers and attending school board or town council meetings. The confidence students gain in these settings gets put to use in job interviews, workplace conversations and, ultimately, in boardrooms.

These actions also cultivate skills that translate across all areas of life, from public speaking to teamwork and collaboration. They are the foundation of an engaged society and a functioning democracy.

The stakes of neglecting a robust civics education are high, risking a more polarized society if people are unable to learn how to communicate across lines of difference, listen deeply, persuade effectively and reach consensus on solutions. The consequences also include erosion of everyday skills that Americans need to function in the workplace and, more globally, in the marketplace. These abilities ought not to be mere add-ons to secondary school curriculums. 

As the nation navigates these uncertain times, civic literacy must become mainstream and hands-on 鈥� something that is as fundamental to education as learning in a science lab. American democracy is a tapestry woven from generations of participation and action. This is a moment to add to it, not let it unravel. The next generation of leaders needs the tools and skills to repair that fraying fabric. That means schools, policymakers and communities must prioritize experiential learning, ensuring that students engage in civic participation before they reach voting age. 

Educators have long understood that the best way to prepare students for careers in science and medicine is through labs and hands-on experiments, not just by reading a textbook. The same is true for civics. If this country wants an engaged, informed citizenry, schools and government alike must provide young people (and adults) with opportunities to practice democracy in real time. Now is not the time to tune out. It鈥檚 time to lean in, learn more and take action.

The recent turbulence in government 鈥� including of federal agencies, with immediate public impact and shifts in longstanding policies 鈥� offers a crucial opportunity. Rather than disengage in frustration, teachers and education leaders should seize this moment to deepen civic literacy, ensure that communities understand how government functions and empower citizens to be active participants in self-governance. With headlines dominated by government upheaval, now is the time to turn confusion into curiosity and curiosity into community involvement. The more people understand the roles of the three branches of government, the function of federal and state agencies and their own rights, the better equipped they are to engage as citizens

Civics education is most effective when state and local officials, both elected and appointed, are open to input, feedback and participation by constituents, allowing students to see firsthand how citizen engagement leads to real outcomes. Nationally, state and local governments employed approximately, an increase from 19.2 million in 2022. This demonstrates that the vast majority of government operations occur at the state and local levels, not in Washington, D.C. The teachers in public schools, the sanitation workers who keep streets clean, the public health officials who guide communities through crises all are part of local governance. When young people see how these systems work, they realize government is not an abstract institution; it鈥檚 the infrastructure of daily life.

, the education nonprofit organization I lead, has long worked to engage students in community-based civic learning. Through research and projects that address real issues, students interact with elected officials and government agencies at the city and state levels, building critical problem-solving skills while making a tangible impact. For example, a group of high school students from Urban Assembly Institute for Math and Science for Young Women in Brooklyn, New York, used community-based civics to . They launched a project to improve police-student relationships through open dialogue and policy recommendations, demonstrating how civic learning can lead to real change. More than just casting a ballot, participating in self-government involves talking to neighbors about issues, organizing with peers and attending school board or town council meetings. The confidence students gain in these settings gets put to use in job interviews, workplace conversations and, ultimately, in boardrooms.

These actions also cultivate skills that translate across all areas of life, from public speaking to teamwork and collaboration. They are the foundation of an engaged society and a functioning democracy.

The stakes of neglecting a robust civics education are high, risking a more polarized society if people are unable to learn how to communicate across lines of difference, listen deeply, persuade effectively and reach consensus on solutions. The consequences also include erosion of everyday skills that Americans need to function in the workplace and, more globally, in the marketplace. These abilities ought not to be mere add-ons to secondary school curriculums. 

As the nation navigates these uncertain times, civic literacy must become mainstream and hands-on 鈥� something that is as fundamental to education as learning in a science lab. American democracy is a tapestry woven from generations of participation and action. This is a moment to add to it, not let it unravel. The next generation of leaders needs the tools and skills to repair that fraying fabric. That means schools, policymakers and communities must prioritize experiential learning, ensuring that students engage in civic participation before they reach voting age. 

Educators have long understood that the best way to prepare students for careers in science and medicine is through labs and hands-on experiments, not just by reading a textbook. The same is true for civics. If this country wants an engaged, informed citizenry, schools and government alike must provide young people (and adults) with opportunities to practice democracy in real time. Now is not the time to tune out. It鈥檚 time to lean in, learn more and take action.

That tension is personal: parents and caregivers come to the job with the hang-ups we鈥檝e amassed since childhood. We鈥檙e famously prone to imposing some version of those onto our own kids 鈥� however hard we try to free them. 

The tension is also social and cultural 鈥� even political. We鈥檙e all trying to teach our kids to stand up for themselves in the tough, pushy, sometimes violent world out there even as we coach them toward leaning vulnerably into grace, compassion, sharing and forgiveness. And a lot of it involves hiding uglier truths about the world from them. But even that only works for so long, because they鈥檒l eventually outgrow our abilities to deceive and distract 鈥� and nothing builds resentment in adulthood like realizing how much you were lied to in childhood. 

This is beautiful, impossible work. We鈥檙e all messing up all the time, no matter how hard we push and strive 鈥� and no matter how much we try to let go and back off. 

Parenting is even harder in moments of public fear and stress. As a father of two, I spent much of Donald Trump鈥檚 first term wrestling to guard my children鈥檚 faith in virtues like patience, kindness, honesty, personal integrity and responsibility. I tried to coach them into believing in the power of peaceful, democratic institutions that represent the will of the public. I tried, in other words, to swim upstream against the prevailing Trumpist political currents. 

Now I鈥檓 a father of three. I鈥檓 dreading the implications of his second term 鈥� for my kids, for the work of raising them, for our schools and for our democracy. It鈥檚 a much more difficult project this time. How can families teach our children to believe in a better, kinder, fairer world 鈥� when they see glory, honor and power repeatedly rendered to a man like this? Can advocates for better educational opportunities for all children build a safer, kinder country with Trump unavoidably at its helm?

It鈥檚 hard to imagine. His return has launched a genuinely bleak era driven by a movement that targets and marginalizes people 鈥� 鈥� to gain power, whether they鈥檙e immigrants or transgender kids who just want to use the bathroom in peace. This is a nightmare for parents trying to raise their kids to be fundamentally polite, to stand up for the weak among us, to choose grace over scorn and peace over violence. 

If you think this is overwrought, please remember that Trump鈥檚 first arrival in office a national spike in behavior at schools. We鈥檙e seeing this time . That鈥檚 not an accident. Trump is persistently, constantly a bully, one who reserves , and   any woman who with the slightest .

This is incessant intimidation that any middle schooler would recognize, that any parent would hate to see imposed on their kid. It鈥檚 sexism that any young girl would instantly view as infuriating and behavior that any decent parent or caregiver would find unacceptable in their son.

What鈥檚 more, Trump is cynically nihilistic. That鈥檚 why many of the president-elect鈥檚 colleagues . He has been caught and never admits his deceit, even when hurt other people. This year, Trump baselessly accused Haitian immigrants in Ohio of stealing and eating pets: innocent people 鈥� immigrants and native-born Americans alike 鈥� , some closing . Note: immigrants community members than native-born Americans.

Trump鈥檚 responses to the pandemic were probably his most consequential distortions. He and insisted that the pandemic was under control and easily manageable. He promoted and , unscientific 鈥渢reatments鈥� 鈥� . People because believed . 

Any family would recognize a kid with Trump鈥檚 penchant for selfish betrayal and willful deceit as a terrible friend or classmate. No family would want an adult who treated people so carelessly in charge of their child鈥檚 safety or well-being. 

, Trump鈥檚 is . He routinely muses about using force against political opponents, journalists, and protestors. Not coincidentally, in an October 2024 poll, were sure that there would be a peaceful transfer of power after the election, what was once an unshakeable tenet of our democracy.

Even if you鈥檙e confident that you can set a strong enough example for kids to be a bulwark against this behavior, that still won鈥檛 solve for the most substantive issue: Trumpist politics have consistently failed to address the very real problems that the U.S. faces 鈥� including and particularly the ones preoccupying U.S. young adults. 

For instance, while a 2023 poll showed that American kids are , Trump and his party are pushing to , , , and close the Department of Education. None of these are real solutions. 

Families in my community tell me they鈥檙e struggling to explain the present state of American democracy to their children. One says their middle schooler keeps bringing them media articles where Trump supporters express surprise that their preferred candidate absolutely plans to follow through on his campaign promises around , , and . 鈥淲hy did they vote for him then?鈥� they say their kid asks. 鈥淲hat did they think would happen?鈥� 

Trump has put families in a terrible situation. It鈥檚 hard to explain why men who violently assaulted law enforcement en route to desecrating the U.S. Capitol are touted as heroes and . It鈥檚 hard to look at all the violent, undemocratic vengeance Trump has promised and insist to kids that nonviolent politics is core to our democracy. 

See, kids are relatively sophisticated risk detectors 鈥� they know real dangers from partisan hysteria. That鈥檚 why it鈥檚 particularly difficult to tell them to be patient now and to trust in the democratic process, to believe that the adults will get their acts together and work on real problems. It鈥檚 hard to believe that the system will self-correct after you鈥檝e spent another math period under your desk because there鈥檚 another active shooter in the neighborhood, or even worse 鈥� , as just happened again last week in Madison, Wisconsin. 

Nonetheless, the vast majority of families in my social orbit are grimly hoping they can perhaps pretend the situation away. They鈥檙e hoping that Trump won鈥檛 be who he鈥檚 been for the past decade, that he鈥檒l step up instead and act like a prudent statesman that they can safely ignore. Most are planning to actively distract their kids from American public discourse, to try to keep them from internalizing the next four years as 鈥渘ormal.鈥� 

A lot of education reformers sound similar notes. They鈥檇 like to set all this aside and just get on with their lives and careers and work with Trump to overhaul the federal role in education or expand school choice or somesuch. They鈥檇 like to pretend like Trump鈥檚 behavior can be tolerated or ignored. 

I guess I hope they鈥檙e right. But I think we all know they 补谤别苍鈥檛 鈥� and so do the kids. 

The views expressed here are the author鈥檚 alone and not those of any organization with which he is affiliated.

Join 蜜桃影视 and the Progressive Policy Institute for a special conversation about the ways in which community service programs and school curriculum and practices can help strengthen social cohesion among students of different backgrounds. 鈥淭eaching Common Democratic Values in a Divided America鈥� will stream Wednesday at 2 p.m.

Joining moderator Tressa Pankovits from PPI will be American Exchange Project Co-Founder and CEO David McCullough III, Maryland Secretary of Service and Civic Innovation Paul Monteiro, American Enterprise Institute Senior Fellow Robert Pondiscio and Richard Kahlenberg, director of PPI鈥檚 American Identity Project. 

Sign up for the Zoom or tune in to this page at 2 p.m. ET to stream the event.

Explore more civics education topics from 蜜桃影视: 

• It鈥檚 Time for a Ceasefire in the Civics Wars

• Opinion: Teachers in All Subjects Must Help Prepare the Next Generation of Voters

• 5 Lessons From Civics in How to Achieve Agreement Across the Political Divide

• There is Agreement on Civics Education 鈥� If You Know Where to Look

• How Texas Lawmakers Gutted Civics

While public education is the cornerstone of democracy, the technical causes that make school elections unrepresentative are many. Off-year elections lead to low voter turnout for choosing the nation’s approximately . Students 鈥� those most affected by what happens in the classroom 鈥� are excluded from casting ballots. The unchecked influence of dark money remains prevalent. Extremists inject national culture-war issues into local races to spur battles that distract education leaders from their core mission. And few states or communities mandate any kind of legal right to a quality public education.

This status quo results in unrepresentative decision-making, which threatens American public education and democracy as a whole.

According to a recent poll, believe democracy is under threat. But in places where democratic innovations are implemented, voter participation increases, dark money decreases and governance becomes more representative of the communities it serves.This is an emerging opportunity that education advocates must seize. 

Across the country, promising signs of progress are emerging. In Portland, Maine, the school board now uses . In California, districts are moving en masse to , which dramatically increase voter turnout and produce representatives better aligned to their constituents. Cities in Maryland have , and many states are considering a new legal right to a quality education.

These nonpartisan, pro-democracy reforms are creating more inclusive, representative and responsive educational governance systems that reflect the diverse voices of their communities. Yet, this progress is uneven. In states like Texas and Florida, the opposite trend is evident: increasing centralization, a shift toward partisan elections and erosion of community control.

In response, was founded by Education Civil Rights Now, The Open System Institute and Seek Common Ground to advance these trends and support this emerging movement in education to build a stronger democracy. But early on, it became clear that most education leaders were not aware of this critical landscape. For six months, a team researched and now has produced 鈥� a unique nationwide analysis that highlights promising policies and challenges (like ranked-choice voting bans) and zeroes in on communities and states with the potential to unrig the system. The research seeks to be the starting point for leaders in education and democracy to work together in a shared pursuit that could accelerate the power of both movements. 

How does this get started? First, communities and states can use the map to assess the current status of their edudemocracy. Second, leaders must identify starting points at which governance and electoral design could be changed. Building coalitions to reimagine and create these new systems ensures the result isn鈥檛 a one-size-fits-all approach, but rather a strategic push for innovations that meet local needs. Lastly, education and democracy leaders should form learning communities to support one another and commit to the long, hard work of generating even more innovative ideas over time, increasing participation and decreasing polarization.

Achieving these goals will not be possible unless leaders from across the political, practitioner and philanthropic spheres unite in common purpose. This fall and beyond, Cornerstone intends to do its part by raising funds to empower organizations on the ground in states and communities. They will commit to building coalitions 鈥� working with state legislatures and local school boards, among others 鈥� to pass policies and practices that will open up education democracy. Hopefully, more will join them to learn from the first group and chart their own path to implement high-impact reforms. 

Our goal is that by the 2030s, the nation should have a transformed educational election landscape,where innovations like expanding voting rights to 16-year-olds in school board elections, attaining school board turnouts as high as those for presidential elections and enshrining high-quality public education as a civil right are the norm, not the exception.

The decisions made today will shape the future of the education system and democracy for generations to come. The new National EduDemocracy Landscape Map offers a roadmap for navigating this opportunity and rebuilding trust in institutions, reinvigorating public participation, decreasing polarization and ensuring that all children receive the education they need to secure the future they deserve.

As thoughtful observers , that notion is 鈥� statistically and philosophically 鈥� a red herring. Young people ages 18 to 30 appear likely, at least in terms of numbers and passion about issues, to play a larger role in the 2024 election than has been true in elections over the last several decades.

There is a much more urgent issue to tackle this year than voting participation by young people. The next generation (who, by the way, the 鈥淕en Z鈥� label) does believe that its vote matters. For young people overall, according to from the Institute for Citizens & Scholars, at least 68% of them think their vote counts, but over half (57%) are dubious about democracy itself.

Today鈥檚 youngest voters have never experienced democracy and its political process as the opportunity to voice ideas, be heard, learn from different perspectives, and take part in compromise. For their entire lifetimes, they have seen two corporate parties engaged in polarized gridlock, vicious contention, and social media manipulation, all ruled by a four-year cycle that plays out on a Super Bowl-like stage with unreliable outcomes and even, on Jan. 6, physical violence.

No wonder they鈥檙e inclined not to trust democracy, or at least not to believe those of us in older generations who keep telling them it is a great thing and they should participate. Meanwhile, those of us who are older, who have privilege and influence and who experience the world as working for us, cannot understand the perspective of young people growing up in a world that does not reliably support them. Especially for women, young people of color, and those raised in poverty, it is difficult to imagine that government could ever truly work for them. It is no surprise, then, that from Supermajority found that more than 90% of young women do not believe the government and political system work effectively. For these disenfranchised populations, it is tempting to tap out.

This generation does not want to be told about the power of democracy so much as shown. They need to be able to kick the tires. They need to see it work for them, and they need to be able to engage. Where democracy is concerned, that means giving young people more opportunities, and more preparation, to take part in conversation鈥攖o come to the table, express opinions, field arguments and find solutions.

To be sure, that kind of democratic participation, the participation of voice, requires not just the occasion to speak and listen, but also the skills to do so. Events on college campuses over the past decade 鈥� certainly over the past 10 months, since the outbreak of the Israel-Hamas war 鈥� have made it clear that we have a ways to go in helping them learn and practice those skills. Precisely because they have grown up with a hyperpolarized, dysfunctional political environment and an omnipresent social media culture, they have learned a great deal more about how not to engage, from shouting down speakers to creating no-win situations for institutional leaders to bullying and canceling on their social feeds.

Some of us who grew up in the aftermath of the Civil Rights Movement and the Vietnam War may romanticize college as the time to learn to speak out, debate and engage. But as these recent experiences show, college is now too late for young people to learn these skills.

Instead, we need to begin in middle school to create an environment where young people learn to speak and listen. They will not naturally develop these skills online, where algorithms enable 鈥� even encourage 鈥� them to filter out a range of perspectives. They will not learn them in classrooms where teachers and students alike are afraid to speak up for fear of being canceled or governing speech on controversial issues. And they will not learn as long as they are allowed to think that disagreement with their opinions, especially heated disagreement, is equivalent to physical and mental harm that must be avoided at all costs.

Schools and out-of-school-time programs need new emphases on civic conversation, media literacy and discussion across differences, including both safe spaces and brave spaces in which to experiment. For that matter, the local venues where deliberation starts 鈥� town councils, school boards, even homeowners associations and church councils 鈥� should create seats at the table for young people to observe and take part. This is especially critical in communities where underrepresentation has been a systemic, historic issue. But, in truth, young people raised in any community where their voices don鈥檛 matter will be all the more likely to opt out of participation.

Before we even begin to worry about whether or not young people are voting, we need to double down on whether young people feel heard, whether they know how to make themselves heard in productive ways and whether we know how to listen and respond. Making sure that the next generation knows how the system works, and sees that it can work for them in a very local, personal way, is the best means of getting them to use democracy, rely on it and expect the best from it.

Well, no, not literally. The American experiment that started in 1776 long predated any sort of public education. It鈥檚 true that Thomas Jefferson, author of the Declaration of Independence, about the value of education, but his vision was far more limited than what we might think of as public education today. 

The reality is that 鈥減ublic鈥� education wasn鈥檛 open to all Americans for much of the nation鈥檚 history. Black students didn鈥檛 have a right to attend the same schools as white students until the Brown v. Board decision in 1954. Students with disabilities were not guaranteed a until the 1973 Rehabilitation Act.

Hard-won lawsuits and pieces of legislation have made schools open to more kids, but they鈥檙e still not public in the same way a public park or an FM radio station is free and open to all. 

That鈥檚 because education has space constraints. There are only so many seats at a school, so local districts reserve spots only for those people who can afford to live in the surrounding community.

I鈥檒l use my own family as an example. We live in Fairfax, Virginia, one of the counties in America. There are six 鈥減ublic鈥� high schools within a 15-minute drive of our house, but my kids are zoned for only one of them. We can鈥檛 just pick whichever school is the best fit for each child. Our district has a that looks as badly gerrymandered as many congressional districts. 

Families who can鈥檛 afford to buy access to a seat at their preferred public school have to resort to other options. About 12% of students are lucky enough to have schools to choose from, but many do not 鈥� and the consequences can be severe. 

Here at 蜜桃影视, Marianna McMurdock told the story earlier this spring of parents who have gone to prison for lying about their address in order to send their children to better schools. Similarly, an investigative analysis from Houston Landing found that Texas districts thousands of homeless students from their schools. 

America鈥檚 current conception of 鈥減ublic鈥� education says your children are legally entitled to attend any public school they want to 鈥� as long as you can afford to live in that community.

Advocates like Pringle have tried to connect public education 鈥� such as it is 鈥� with the broader project of preserving democracy. In last year, Secretary of Education Miguel Cardona went further, saying, 鈥淲e need public education to keep democracy alive!鈥�

But the link between public education and democracy is tenuous at best. First, it鈥檚 that higher levels of education automatically lead to increased electoral participation. As one simple illustration, the highest-turnout election was in 1960, a time when less than half of all American adults . 

Second, while it is true that well-educated people tend to be good citizens and are to turn out to vote than those with less schooling, it鈥檚 that the most highly informed citizens are also the most actively partisan. 

Third, cheerleading for the current education system is probably not the best way to strengthen democracy. For example, a recent study found that private school students actually had more political tolerance, political participation, civic knowledge and skills, volunteerism and social capital than those in public school. Charter schools that do a particularly good job boosting noncognitive skills also seem to raise more than other schools do. 

In other words, the best way for education to boost American democracy may be for policymakers to support good schools, regardless of sector. 

What could that look like? A first step would be to expand public school choice. State leaders could broaden to give more students access to more schools. At the local level, districts could expand magnet schools, Montessori or other theme-based schools, public charter schools, early college high schools or dual-enrollment programs. 

A more expansive step would be to provide money for families to find their own schools. Last year, I outlined five key guidelines for policymakers to consider in designing those programs, including whether there was a real check on quality and that supports were in place to help low-income families access good schools. 

Johns Hopkins professor has been making a similar case for educational pluralism. She notes that many parts of the developed world have public education systems that provide funding to a wider variety of schools. The difference is that those countries 鈥� which have their own versions of representative democracies 鈥� set standards and accountability rules in order for public funds to flow into different types of private schools. 

That鈥檚 a form of public education too, albeit a different and more open version than the one most Americans are accustomed to.

鈥淭his is so me,鈥� Thurston responds to Wang, an author and technology entrepreneur. 鈥淚 love to fix things. I literally fixed computers to help pay for college, and I鈥檓 always jumping to solutions in the face of almost any problem, even when the people around me don鈥檛 want me to come up with a solution.鈥�

鈥淗ow to Citizen鈥� is all about how to fix democracy, something that many Americans feel is deeply if not permanently broken. Early Learning Nation interviewed Thurston, who also hosts 鈥溾�� on PBS, and gained insight into how he thinks about interpersonal and global issues alike. Here鈥檚 what we learned:

Humor is a tool. Thurston started his career with 鈥淭he Onion鈥� and 鈥淭he Daily Show鈥� with Trevor Noah, as well as performing standup. 鈥淚n comedy,鈥� he says, 鈥淭here鈥檚 this language of punching up and punching down 鈥� which, if you really examine it, is very violent. Why is anybody getting punched? Maybe it could be tickling up or tickling down.鈥�

He finds a range of purposes for different kinds of comedy. When it comes to children, learning to make fun of yourself is an important developmental stage that comes later or never for some people. An inside joke, or comedy within a trusted circle, is another. When in doubt about what to make fun of, Thurston recommends animals, a topic that allows the imagination to run wild. 鈥淭here are so many ways to explore the what-ifs,鈥� he says, 鈥渁nd you can train young people to flex that muscle, practicing it on themselves. Mash-ups and remixes are natural fodder. What would happen if you drank a banana?鈥�

Change requires risk. In the chapter of Thurston鈥檚 2012 book 鈥溾�� called 鈥淗ow to Be the Angry Negro,鈥� Thurston addresses the reader: 鈥淵ou are compelled to say what others won鈥檛. They remain quiet, not because they doubt the truth of their perceptions but because they lack the courage to risk being ostracized… Rage is your cape. Self-confidence is your mask. Truth is your sword.鈥�

While Thurston鈥檚 humor rarely comes across as out-and-out angry, there is often an edge so sharp you don鈥檛 immediately feel the laceration. 鈥淐omedy challenges established narratives and surprises us,鈥� he says. 鈥淚n surprise, in challenge, there is risk, and risk doesn鈥檛 always pay off positively 鈥� whether it鈥檚 an investment risk or a career risk or even a food risk.鈥�

The riskiness of stand-up comedy isn鈥檛 for everyone, but Thurston sees a unique thrill in telling jokes to strangers, saying, 鈥淵ou try to emotionally connect with them so deeply that you trigger an involuntary physiological response known as laughter. It鈥檚 like one of the most confident things a person without confidence could do.鈥�

Nature helps us heal from history. Thurston credits his mother for nurturing his love of the outdoors. 鈥淲hoever said Black folk don鈥檛 go camping forgot to tell Arnita Thurston,鈥� he writes in 鈥淗ow to Be Black.鈥� His enthusiasm for America and the outdoors is on full display in America Outdoors.

Asked which parts of the country have surprised him most, he seizes upon the terrain of Arkansas as well as certain outdoor recreational pursuits. 鈥淯ltramarathons, for example, are just more marathon than a marathon,鈥� he laughs, 鈥渁nd that鈥檚 already too much for me. Without being conscripted into it, people are signing up to run 100 miles!鈥�

He also mentions the rich and vibrant indigenous culture. 鈥淲e read a lot about Native Americans in a historical context,鈥� he says, 鈥渂ut they鈥檙e still here, and they鈥檙e not all the same, with a range of ecologies and ways of living.鈥�

Another surprise: sharks. 鈥淭hey鈥檙e not out to get us. They鈥檝e been shamed in the media. The deeper surprise is how often they鈥檙e right next to us and we don鈥檛 even know it.鈥�

Finally, he notes his surprise at how emotional the show is for him, in terms of people鈥檚 struggles individually, as well as our collective national struggles with our history and how the outdoors has played a part in the struggle, and also in the healing from it.

One episode uses brain science to explore the power of nature to bring us back into equilibrium. 鈥淔or his experiment,鈥� he recalls, 鈥渢hey got me really riled up and then had me walk in a park and measured my brain during the process. I not only recovered from the stress; I was in a better place than before the stress started, so I was higher than baseline. It was a supercharge, not just a recharge.鈥�

Applying this insight to early educators, Thurston says, 鈥淭eachers are not only dealing with their littles, but with the bigs who created them. The parents can often be more challenging than the students. So, if you鈥檝e got some parent all up in your business, have that parent-teacher conference while walking through a park. It鈥檚 a naturally soothing environment. Scientists are looking at how nature affects our ability to recover from stress and help us heal. The short answer is, spoiler alert, massively.

Invest in your relationship with yourself. Thurston鈥檚 podcast and his TV show both address the eternal, yet increasingly relevant, themes of how to get along with others and the planet around us, which both tie back to the same place. 鈥淩elationship with yourself is such an underappreciated concept,鈥� he reflects. 鈥淲e need to ask ourselves how we feel, not just what we think. We need to develop a vocabulary for our emotions as well as our physical feelings.鈥�

The maxim You are what you eat, he says, also applies to what we take in through our eyes and ears. 鈥淭he stories that we eat,鈥� he explains, 鈥渢ell us that we鈥檙e capable or incapable, that we鈥檙e smart or dumb, so it鈥檚 important to consume stories that remind us of our power.鈥�

We all have power. Each episode of 鈥�How to Citizen鈥� explores power dynamics in one way or another, and while some of the topics it covers are too complex for young listeners, he is so interested in how children develop ideas about power that educational spinoffs are a possibility. 鈥淓ven a very small person can be sensitive to who鈥檚 got influence,鈥� he says.鈥�Even in this tiny body, I have the power of my attention. (Will I listen to the teacher or not?) The power of my smile, who will I give that to? The power of my presence, the power of gathering with other people, the power of sharing ideas and information, whether good or bad.鈥�

He encourages adults to ask children where they have power. 鈥淭hey might answer, 鈥業 refused to eat the pasta last night. It made my mom really upset. I guess I have the power to make my mom upset.鈥� I think it鈥檚 really good for people to recognize that.鈥�

From individual power, it鈥檚 a short jump to collective power. 鈥淵ou and your best friend are a unit,鈥� he imagines explaining to a child. 鈥淲hen have you thought about you and your friend, not just yourself? When have you thought about you and this whole classroom or this whole school or your whole family? Have you ever done anything for we and not just for me?鈥�

Power can arise from formally establishing systems in our communities, but there are other ways of practicing power together. 鈥淲e are all very powerful,鈥� he asserts. 鈥淲e all have the ability to gain and lose power. It鈥檚 this ebbing and flowing thing, and it increases when we work with others.鈥�

The News Literacy Project, a nonpartisan national education nonprofit that provides programs and resources to help people of all ages become smart, active news consumers, released a for teachers today to aid in their ongoing battle against disinformation: The framework was unveiled as part of the , an event presented by the Project and the E.W. Scripps Company.  

The effort has five main goals. It was designed to help students distinguish news from other types of information and recognize the importance of the First Amendment in American democracy, including the value of a free press in shaping a well-informed citizenry. 

It also seeks to help children understand the standards of quality journalism, use them to identify credible sources and sharpen their verification skills. Lastly, it aims to help students take responsibility for the information they put out into the world, a campaign called 鈥淐are Before You Share鈥� that is being promoted through a public service announcement.

鈥淣ews and media literacy is a critical skill impacting students’ academic, personal, professional and civic lives,鈥� said Shaelynn Farnsworth, the Project鈥檚 director of educator network expansion. 鈥淵et, unfortunately, our students are inheriting the most complicated information landscape in history and are often duped by what they consume online.鈥�

Farnsworth said misinformation threatens not only our democracy, but our very lives, especially as it concerns baseless conspiracy theories around the pandemic. 

鈥淚nstead of developing healthy skepticism, students read with a cynical eye instead of a critical one, often not believing any information they consume online,鈥� she said. 鈥淭o combat this, educators hone skills, so students know what to believe, who to trust and what to share.鈥�

The organization is encouraged by its growing reach: More than 165,000 students used its platform between July 2020 and January 2022, totaling more active young users in 18 months than in the prior four years.

The Project鈥檚 recommendations were unveiled during the same week that the American Federation of Teachers announced its new partnership with the anti-misinformation group, , an organization run by Steve Brill, who founded The American Lawyer, Court TV and the Yale Journalism Initiative and Gordon Crovitz, former publisher of The Wall Street Journal. 

According to the AFT, its 1.7 million members 鈥� and, by extension, the tens of millions of children they teach plus their families 鈥� can now receive a free, online tool that will provide real-time news ratings via a licensed copy of NewsGuard鈥檚 browser extension. Educators are invited to sign up  

The need for such tools and programs has only grown in recent years as former President Donald Trump and his supporters 颅鈥� 鈥� flooded social media with on myriad topics. Trump himself was by the company days after the Jan. 6 insurrection 鈥渄ue to the risk of further incitement of violence鈥�.

At least one social media company, already to reign in false claims, was called out this week by a conservative parents鈥� group that said it was unfairly targeted for removal from the platform. 

Moms for Liberty, started by two former school board members out of Florida, has grown tremendously since its inception in January 2021. Co-founders Tina Descovich and Tiffany Justice attribute much of its success to social media, which allowed members to connect and spread their message without in-person meetings.

But the platform treated them unfairly for ideological reasons, the women told Meta founder Mark Zuckerberg in an open letter dated Jan. 24. In the past few weeks, they said, 22 of their national chapter groups were sent 鈥渘otifications of community violation鈥� and were disabled for posting what they called 鈥渂asic information about local government operations such as school board meeting times, or questions about student textbooks.鈥�

鈥淥ur groups have been shut down repeatedly,鈥� they wrote, adding their administrative accounts had been suspended and their national page restricted from posting for 鈥渟ecurity reasons鈥�, though they are unclear as to why. 鈥淭his severely impacts our ability to pursue our core mission of helping American parents organize to participate in the education of their children. One Moms for Liberty group page, from Fort Bend, Texas, was disabled the same day it launched! It did not even have the opportunity to violate whatever vague standards are being enforced against our moms.鈥�

Facebook, now run by a company called Meta, objected to the characterization late Tuesday night. 

鈥淢eta doesn鈥檛 target any group because of their politics,鈥� a company spokeswoman said. 鈥淎fter reviewing the content associated with this organization, we determined that some was removed correctly for violating our misinformation policies.鈥�

Other content was removed by mistake and has since been restored, the spokeswoman said. Descovich said Wednesday afternoon that her administrative privileges had been reinstated and that many chapter鈥檚 Facebook pages are back up and running. 

The dispute between Moms for Liberty and Facebook over misinformation charges and freedom of speech claims might be one students could dissect using the Project’s new tool. 

Pamela Brunskill, the Project鈥檚 senior manager of education and content, said the new framework will help teachers manage what feels like unlimited information.

鈥淭he idea of educating the next generation to be news-literate is daunting, particularly because we’re faced with the most dynamic and complex information environment in history,鈥� she said. 鈥淔or many educators, it’s hard to know what to teach and where to begin.鈥�

The Project’s new tool will make that Herculean task much easier, Brunskill said, and pay long-term dividends.

鈥淚magine if our entire society could distinguish news from other types of information, could recognize the role a free press plays to an informed citizenry, could understand the standards of quality journalism, could detect misinformation and faulty evidence, and could express a sense of responsibility for the information they share!,” she said in an email. “What kind of democracy would that look like?鈥�

Disclosure: Campbell Brown is the head of news partnerships at Facebook. Brown co-founded 蜜桃影视 and sits on its board of directors. She plays no role in the reporting or editing of 蜜桃影视’s content.

From top to bottom, our governing institutions have been significantly eroded by on the of our , the growing influence of , conservative , of governing norms, legislative processes, and a bevy of other worrying trends. 

The depth and breadth of the problem are most visible at the elemental level, where the American democratic spirit is ostensibly most fervent: our thousands of school boards. These little local legislatures have been revered as cornerstones of American democracy . In theory, they provide local schools with democratically elected leadership that is maximally responsive to local needs and the public interest.

And yet, the has brought where local school board have into screaming matches with threats of violence over issues both (e.g. ) and/or (e.g. over or ). Things have gotten that the National School Boards Association , asking for the federal government to do more to protect elected local leaders from . Rather than calming the waters, this just prompted further outrage 鈥� particularly from conservative politicians in Washington, D.C. who cast it as an assault on parents鈥� free speech 鈥� and from the NSBA. 

Problems like these are why, in recent decades, some major cities 鈥� places like Washington, D.C., Chicago, , and New York City 鈥� moved away from elected school boards. The idea had a three-part theory of action: 1) it makes school governance more coherent by unifying control of city schools under mayoral leadership, 2) it insulates education decision-makers from political pressure and 3) it gives mayors a reason to prioritize school funding and improvement. 

The returns from this experiment have been largely encouraging. According to , Chicago schools are 鈥渄ramatically outperforming not just the other big poor districts, but almost every district in the country, at scale.鈥� Research on public schools in D.C. 鈥� 鈥� has also found . 

And yet, , the mayoral control in cities has faced from a cacophony of claiming that returning public education to school board control would an elemental part of U.S. democracy 鈥� representative government at its most profoundly local level. 

As the country wrestles with a national crisis of democracy, it seems odd to focus outrage and energy towards shifting local school governance from the control of elected mayors to elected school boards 鈥� precisely at a moment when school boards across the country are providing daily proof of their weaknesses as institutions. 

Aside from the novelty of , there is nothing particularly exceptional about this latest spate of outrage. Remember the furor a few years ago over how the Common Core State Standards were ostensibly going to push schools to conduct mass retinal scans, promote student promiscuity and advance the cause of global communism? Sure, school board meetings are often sleepy for months 鈥� even years 鈥� but whether it鈥檚 or or or or , periodic eruptions of dysfunction are pretty much a given.

And those are just recent examples. . School boards have long been complicit, for instance, at designing and maintaining racist, inequitable structures in public education 鈥� including decades of segregated schooling. Who did Oliver Brown and his fellow plaintiffs have to sue to begin the long, slow, difficult, haphazard work of integrating American schools? . It was the same in Washington, D.C., where Spottswood Thomas Bolling . Indeed, over and over again, the required (and still regularly requires) 鈥� and appealing to a higher authority over 鈥� local school boards.

It鈥檚 a reliable rule of education politics: elected school boards are almost always most responsive to vested and/or interests in their communities. Consider, for instance, the Los Angeles Unified School District. For most of the last decade, their school board has faced criticism from experts, from community groups, and pressure from the to focus more resources on historically marginalized communities. And yet, nonetheless, the board has to away from those communities. School boards 补谤别苍鈥檛 designed to prioritize the less powerful, organized and noisy.

So 鈥� why, in light of significant educational progress in places that have experimented with other forms of school governance, is it suddenly so important to shift more power to local school boards? Notably, pushes in this direction in Chicago and . have sparked as are . In , at least, a move away from mayoral control would almost assuredly strengthen the voices of white, privileged voters 鈥� who would have a better chance of swaying the outcomes of a handful of , ward-by-ward school board elections than the citywide mayoral race.

Indeed, what constitutes a democracy? Can it really be reduced to whether the public elects a mayor or a board to run the schools? Of course not. Institutionally speaking, modern democratic governance requires choosing leaders through regular, free, and fair elections 鈥� but it also requires the expertise of civil servants and other experts chosen by those leaders. That鈥檚 why, for instance, we don鈥檛 hold a national referendum every time the Mine Safety and Health Administration wants to adjust its regulations, nor do we establish elected panels to determine how much radium is safe to drink in our water supply. 

So: you should absolutely be concerned about the state of U.S. democracy. It cannot long sustain when voting rights are selectively narrowed to grant partisan advantage, or when bills with majority support in both houses of Congress are regularly filibustered dead, or when lawmakers efforts to a on the .

But if you鈥檙e looking for a way to ensure that our schools have elected leadership that鈥檚 fair, equitable and democratically accountable, school boards pretty obviously 补谤别苍鈥檛 the way to go.