A Muslim parent has sued Texas leaders for excluding Islamic private schools from participating in the state’s private school voucher program.

The , filed March 1 by a parent acting on behalf of two children who attend a Houston private school, asks the court to block the voucher program from discriminating on the basis of religion. The suit names Texas Attorney General , Acting Comptroller and Education Commissioner Mike Morath as defendants.

Here’s what to know.

Background: Gov. signed into law in 2025, which authorized the creation of a statewide program that allows families to use public funds to pay for their children’s private school or home-school education.

Between Feb. 4 and March 17, virtually any family with school-age children in Texas to participate. Private schools interested in joining the program can apply on a rolling basis, as long as they have existed for at least two years and received accreditation.

More than 143,000 students have applied, while more than 2,100 private schools have been accepted.

Hancock — Texas’ chief financial officer who manages the voucher program — in late 2025 from Paxton, asking if he could exclude schools from the voucher program based on their connections to groups designated as foreign terrorist organizations or foreign adversaries.

Hancock said schools associated with the accreditation company Cognia had hosted events organized by the Council on American-Islamic Relations, a Muslim civil rights group that Gov. Greg Abbott recently designated a terrorist organization. CAIR has sued Abbott over the label, calling it defamatory and false. The U.S. State Department has not designated the organization a terrorist group.

Texas Republicans have made anti-Muslim rhetoric a during primary election season. Hancock, appointed by the governor on an interim basis, is running to serve a full term as comptroller.

Hancock shut hundreds of Cognia-accredited schools out of the voucher program, including those that primarily serve Muslim students, Christian students and children with disabilities, which the Houston Chronicle .

Paxton released in January stating his belief that Hancock has the authority to block certain schools from participating in the program if they are “illegally tied to terrorists or foreign adversaries.” To date, no Islamic schools are known to have been accepted into the state voucher program.

The comptroller’s office said it began inviting groups of Cognia schools that it considers in compliance with the law to participate, though it is unclear what that review entails.

In mid-February, Texas Senate Democrats Hancock to administer the program in a manner “neutral, transparent and consistent with the law and to immediately cease discriminatory and exclusionary practices that single out certain communities without lawful justification.”

Why the parent sued: Mehdi Cherkaoui, a Muslim father of two children and lawyer representing himself in the lawsuit, argued that state leaders “have systematically targeted Islamic schools for exclusion.”

The Islamic schools blocked from joining the program meet the voucher program’s eligibility requirements and “have no actual connection to terrorism or unlawful activity,” the lawsuit states. That includes Houston Qur’an Academy Spring, a private school attended by Cherkaoui’s two children.

Cherkaoui pays almost $18,000 per year in tuition for his children at the Houston private school and wants to apply for the nearly $10,500 per child in voucher funding to offset those costs, according to the lawsuit. But with Islamic schools blocked from participating in the program, the suit says, Cherkaoui cannot complete the application.

“The exclusion is not based on individualized findings of unlawful conduct by any specific school, but rather on categorical presumptions that Islamic schools are suspect and potentially linked to terrorism by virtue of their religious identity and community associations,” the lawsuit states.

The lawsuit names Hancock, the comptroller, because of his role overseeing the program; Paxton, the attorney general, because of his legal opinion backing Hancock; and Morath, the education commissioner, because his agency works with the comptroller’s office on certain program conditions.

Morath does not oversee private schools in Texas, but schools in the voucher program must receive accreditation from organizations recognized by his agency or the Texas Private School Accreditation Commission.

Before the voucher program’s March 17 deadline for family applications, the lawsuit asks that the court require the state to accept all Islamic schools that meet program requirements and prevent the state from delaying or denying approval based on schools’ religious identity, alleged “Islamic ties,” or “generalized associations with Islamic civil-rights or community organizations absent individualized, adjudicated findings of unlawful conduct.”

Hancock, Paxton and Morath did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

This first appeared on .

But she didn’t face the camera alone. 

She was joined by Nicole Neily, a longtime advocate and president of Defending Education. It was Neily’s organization that scoured district websites for evidence of gender plans — what they call “parental exclusion policies.” In a letter to Maine Education Commissioner Pender Makin, McMahon gave Defending Education credit for gathering the documents through public records requests and referenced two conservative websites, and , that published the group’s findings. 

“We’re proud to stand with you and President Trump as you ensure that the law is being followed and that the school districts do not infringe on parents’ rights,” Neily said in the video.

Neily offered similar quotes when the Office for Civil Rights opened investigations into school district equity policies in Chicago and Fairfax, Virginia. In February, Defending Education filed about Chicago’s , which aims to increase the number of Black teachers, improve student behavior and make instruction more culturally relevant. Neily argues the initiative denies other students “educational opportunity because of the color of their skin.”

And she gets results.

On May 22, two days after for the Fairfax investigation, OCR launched a probe into admission criteria at the district’s elite Thomas Jefferson High School for Science and Technology. Defending Education argues the district discriminates against white and Asian students. The U.S. Supreme Court declined to hear an argument against the policy in February 2024 and turned down a similar case from Boston in December.

An Education Department spokeswoman told ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ that officials welcome support from advocates working to protect parents’ and students’ rights. Neily did not respond to questions about the department’s communications strategy.

But she is just one of several activists working with the department to advance the Trump administration’s education agenda. Since February, at least 10 department press releases announcing investigations have featured quotes from advocates representing eight organizations. They all echo the administration’s position and, like the secretary, stake out conclusions before the OCR team has begun investigating.

In July, McMahon announced an investigation into transgender students playing on girls’ sports teams in Oregon. The probe, the press release said, was prompted by a complaint from the America First Policy Institute — the she chaired for four years before she became secretary.

In the release, Jessica Hart Steinmann, the think tank’s executive general counsel, said, “Thanks to Secretary McMahon’s leadership, this investigation is moving forward as a vital step toward restoring equal opportunity in women’s athletics.”

The organization helped set the agenda for Trump’s return to the White House and the president appointed several of its leaders to . At least six former AFPI staffers work at the Education Department. Craig Trainor, who handled litigation at AFPI, has been serving as acting assistant secretary for civil rights, but was confirmed last week to a top position at the Department of Housing and Urban Development.

The press releases create “a significant pressure point on educational institutions because they’re presumed to have violated the law from the get-go,” said Jackie Wernz, an attorney who worked in the civil rights office during the Obama and first Trump administrations. The department, she said, “has changed from a neutral arbiter of civil rights disputes to an advocacy organization.”

Those who have worked at the department during both Democratic and Republican administrations, including in Trump’s first term, say such tactics could hinder investigators’ ability to gather evidence fairly. 

When OCR opens investigations, it assures subjects that a complaint is just the beginning of the process and doesn’t mean the department has reached a decision. In from 2020, Kimberly Richey, acting assistant secretary for civil rights during Trump’s first term, promised a school district that OCR would act as a “neutral fact-finder.”

“Historically 
 on both sides of the aisle, the department has been extremely cautious about making public statements about open investigations,” said Jill Siegelbaum, who spent 20 years in the department’s general counsel’s office before she was let go as part of McMahon’s mass layoffs. By including comments from critics, she said, the department risks immediately putting districts “on the defensive.” 

Richey, who was confirmed last week to once again lead OCR, did not respond to requests for comment.

‘Undeniable’ impact

Administration allies downplayed the significance of the actions, comparing it to former first lady Jill Biden’s decision to host American Federation of Teachers President Randi Weingarten and National Education Association President Becky Pringle as the first official when President Joe Biden took office in 2021. A former community college professor, Jill Biden is an NEA member.

Later that same year, parents and advocates in Virginia obtained emails from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention showing the unions played a decisive role in keeping schools closed during the pandemic. The AFT pushed for language that the CDC ultimately recommended saying the agency could amend its guidance if it detected new variants of the virus. Republicans argue the unions exacerbated declines in students’ learning and mental health. 

“It’s far better for the secretary to engage with Defending Education, which champions parents and students, than with Randi Weingarten’s AFT, a mouthpiece for the Democratic Party’s progressive elite,” said Ginny Gentles, an education and parental rights advocate at the conservative Defense of Freedom Institute. Neily, she added, has had an “undeniable” impact. “Nicki Neily and Defending Education have aggressively challenged the corrupt status quo, amplifying parents’ voices and demanding accountability.”

Catherine Lhamon, who ran OCR during the Obama and Biden administrations, dismissed the comparisons. She likened the warm welcome for the teachers union presidents to a political event. OCR, by contrast, is supposed to be neutral. By opening investigations with accusatory quotations from department officials and their allies, she said, the Trump administration is putting its thumb on the scale. Under Biden, she recalled, investigations frequently led to outcomes that disappointed the advocates who brought them.

“There were lots of cases during my time where the complaints were appalling. Then we’d investigate and find that they weren’t,” she said. “You might think at the beginning of a case you’re going in one direction and then when you investigate, you find you’re going in another. That’s the job of an investigator.”

The actions by the department are among several designed to radically repurpose and drastically downsize a civil rights office that had been focused on “transgender ideology and other progressive causes” and that “muddled the enforcement of laws designed to protect students.” In March, she laid off roughly 250 employees and shuttered seven of 12 regional offices. The moves are still being challenged in court. Over the weekend, after another round of layoffs, one attorney who received notice that she had lost her job said three more offices had been closed.

One former OCR attorney said pairing McMahon’s comments with those from advocates compromises the agency.

“Each administration had their favorite issues and those issues sometimes got priority treatment. But I am unaware of any complainants consistently being put to the head of the line,” said Paul Grossman, who led the San Francisco OCR office for 30 years under both Republican and Democratic administrations. 

Under previous administrations, it wasn’t unusual for the department to consult studies from advocates or think tanks and use their data to make a point, he said. “But individual leaders were not treated like or publicized as celebrities.”

Wernz, who now advises districts and colleges, said the Biden administration may have planted the seeds of the current practice. In some cases, the department under the previous regime issued statements after districts agreed to change policies and practices, but before OCR had completed a full investigation. In her view, some of those press releases were  

“The Biden administration kind of opened the door like a crack to do this,” Wernz said. “And the Trump administration has just kicked the door down.”

A majority of the department’s press releases about OCR work highlight Trump administration priorities, like focusing Title IX on biological sex and eliminating diversity, equity and inclusion programs. Many of them include supporting quotes from like-minded advocates, including:

• , executive director of the conservative Southeastern Legal Foundation. She represents drama teacher Stacy Deemar, who filed a complaint against the Evanston-Skokie district in Illinois in 2019. The district, she alleged, racially discriminates against white students and staff through racial affinity groups, training sessions focused on race and “privilege walks.” In the , participants take a step forward or backward based on issues like whether they learned about their own culture in school, have two parents with college degrees or grew up in a poor neighborhood. 
  
  Under former Secretary Miguel Cardona, the department dismissed the complaint. 
  
  “Dr. Deemar has waited patiently for the harms inflicted by the Biden Administration to be rectified,” Hermann said in the release. “For the sake of our children and our country, the time to restore equality and reclaim civil liberties is now.” Deemar previously sued the district in federal court, but a the case last year, ruling that the teacher didn’t experience a hostile environment.

• , executive director of the Foundation Against Intolerance and Racism, which opposes “identity-based practices.” she was “thrilled” that OCR opened an investigation into the Tumwater School District in Washington state. The organization complained on behalf of a 15-year-old female basketball player who refused to participate in a game against an opposing team with a transgender player. The Tumwater district, according to the complaint, also investigated the student for bullying and harassment because she spoke out against the student playing. 

• , vice president of the Native American Guardians Association. The North Dakota-based organization opposes New York’s ban on Native American mascots in sports. The group, along with President Trump and McMahon, took the side of Massapequa High School in its dispute with the state over using the name Chiefs. McMahon has since referred the complaint to the Department of Justice. “We call on federal and state leaders to help us defend these dwindling expressions of our presence and contributions,” Black Cloud said in the department’s press release. 

Julie Hartman, a department spokeswoman, defended the inclusion of advocates in press statements. She said the agency “welcomes support from — and has often worked with — outside groups who want to advocate for students and families and help those who believe that their civil rights have been violated.”

The department, she said, has a “responsibility to ensure that taxpayer dollars are not sponsoring practices that violate” federal laws. According to department records, OCR investigated complaints from multiple advocacy organizations under former Secretary Cardona, including Defending Education. 

Under Biden, OCR opened a dozen based on Defending Education’s complaints.

In one 2023 case, the group complained that the Ashland, Oregon, school district offered exclusive, race-based affinity groups for students. When the Office for Civil Rights looked into , the district that the groups are open to all students and OCR closed the case. 

Advocates frequently issue their own press releases about complaints they want OCR to resolve. Some don’t see a problem with McMahon featuring them in official statements as well and say it’s a matter of transparency. 

“These groups often have expertise in specific areas and connections to affected communities that help them spot problems government agencies might miss,” said Harris, with the Foundation Against Intolerance and Racism.

Quoting advocates “can foster trust by humanizing issues,” said Black Cloud. 

‘What letter?’

In some cases, the advocates commenting are more clued into where an investigation is headed than districts and even OCR itself. 

In one example, the department in March notified the Deerfield Public Schools, north of Chicago, that it was the subject of a probe over complaints about transgender athletes using girls’ locker rooms. The letter came the same day OCR officials issued , said Cathy Kedjidjian, the district’s chief communications officer. The government’s investigation also targets the Illinois Department of Education and the Chicago Public Schools.

“We didn’t know the investigation was coming,” she said.

In the release, Robert Eitel, president and co-founder of the Defense of Freedom Institute, thanked the department for taking steps to ensure “the bad actors comply with Title IX.” 

Deerfield officials, Kedjidjian said, have since “responded in full” to OCR’s questions. In an to the community, the district denied allegations that middle school girls had to change in a locker room with a trans girl present.

Jim Blew, who worked at the department during the first Trump administration and now leads the think tank with Eitel, said they “won’t be commenting for this story.”

Another announcement caught OCR’s attorneys off guard. On , a release stated that the department sent letters to 60 colleges and universities warning them to protect Jewish students on campus during antisemitic protests. 

“We found out from the same press release that you all did,” the attorney who was laid off over the weekend told ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ. She asked to remain anonymous for fear of retaliation. When the letters went out, she said OCR attorneys received “confused and angry emails [from universities], like ‘What’s this letter?’ And we go, ‘What letter?’ ”

Actions like that, she said, can damage the “trust and goodwill” that investigators work to create with K-12 and higher education officials. 

“We’re the ones doing the face-to-face with the recipients [of those letters],” she said. With the closure of 10 regional OCR offices, as part of the administration’s plan to eliminate the agency, the staff is trying to reassure districts and give them “a sense that ‘We are still neutral, we will handle this case.’ ”

Her tenure encompassed President Donald Trump’s first term, a time when staff still addressed the “full range of complaints”  — from racial and gender discrimination to schools denying services to students with disabilities.

But to Simons, the Justice Department’s recent dismissal of a — at a time when continues — is a sign that the current administration has turned its back on students who don’t receive an equal education. It’s why she left the Educational Opportunities Section at the DOJ after 14 years  in April. 

“The administration has been very clear that resources are going to be allocated to certain identified priorities,” she said — primarily keeping trans students out of women’s sports and punishing universities it accuses of tolerating anti-semitism. But that agenda, she said, “is leaving a lot of parents and kids with nowhere to turn.” 

Now she aims to be part of a solution. She’s lending her expertise to a new initiative intended to give families another way to resolve their concerns — the . 

The National Center for Youth Law, a 50-year-old nonprofit, will launch the project on Friday to help families with complaints that the DOJ or the Office for Civil Rights at the Education Department either won’t acknowledge or no longer has the capacity to investigate. Simons will co-chair the fund’s advisory council.

Announced in advance of Saturday’s 71st anniversary of the Brown v. Board decision ending segregation, the effort will include a fellowship program for former OCR attorneys who lost their positions when the Trump administration gutted the agency and closed seven regional offices in March. The goal is to capitalize on the “brain drain” caused by the elimination of nearly 250 OCR staffers and connect families with pro bono attorneys who can conduct investigations and bring lawsuits to resolve their concerns.

“I have zero confidence in [the department’s] ability to administer the system effectively,” said Johnathan Smith, chief of staff and general counsel at the center. “I think most parents who are looking at what’s happening probably would reach the same conclusion.” 

As it shifts attention away from discrimination against LGBTQ students and racial minorities, OCR has left thousands of complaints untouched and dismissed many others. Trump’s 2026 calls for an additional 35% cut to the office as the administration pushes to eliminate the department.

The center, along with parents and special education advocates, over the firings, and asked the District of Columbia federal court to . A hearing is set for May 20. 

Andy Artz was a supervising attorney in OCR’s New York City office until March 11, when the department placed him and hundreds of other department staffers on leave and locked them out of their computer systems. He was in the middle of helping a student who had been denied access to a senior trip because of multiple disabilities and close to reaching a resolution for a victim of sexual assault by a classmate. 

“I found the work really meaningful,” said Artz, who hopes to work with the fund. “OCR was able to do a great job helping school districts and universities understand their obligations.”

To the new administration, however, OCR perpetuated discrimination by focusing on diversity, equity and inclusion and harmed women by extending Title IX protections to transgender students.

“Let me be clear: it is a new day in America,” Acting Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights Craig Trainor said when the department announced into a gender-neutral bathroom in Denver schools. “Under President Trump, OCR will not tolerate discrimination of any kind.”

Even if the court blocks the job cuts, it’s unclear whether attorneys would be allowed to return to cases that don’t align with the administration’s priorities. Smith still sees a need for the new project.

His team will work with local NAACP chapters, bar associations and other community organizations to get the word out about the OCR alternative, Smith said.

In addition to seeking attorneys who will represent students pro bono, the fund hopes to attract some of the talent forced to leave the federal government by offering four- to six-month fellowships. Attorneys will receive a $12,500 stipend and non-attorneys will receive $9,000. Depending on funding, Smith expects up to 10 fellows in the first round. 

‘Top-performing personnel’

When Trump was inaugurated, OCR had over 12,000 open cases, . But the database hasn’t been updated since before the new administration took over. According to Julie Hartman, a department spokeswoman, OCR continues to “evaluate all legitimate complaints” and has initiated over 200 disability-related investigations and dozens related to Title IX and anti-discrimination laws. 

“OCR’s staff is composed of top-performing personnel with years of experience enforcing federal civil rights laws who work vigorously to protect all Americans’ civil rights,” she said. 

She declined to comment on the fund specifically, but said the department “welcomes support from — and has often worked with — outside groups who want to advocate for students and families and help those who believe that their civil rights have been violated.”

Factoring in staff reductions and those who left voluntarily, Artz estimates that only about a third of OCR’s staff remains out of the over 560 attorneys, supervisors and other employees who worked there last fall.

As a former deputy assistant attorney general during the Obama administration, Smith doesn’t solely blame Trump for OCR being “terribly backlogged.” 

“It was a system that often was a black hole for families,” he said. “What does it mean to have an Office for Civil Rights that’s actually responsive to families and to young people?”

For Callie Oettinger, a Fairfax County, Virginia, parent and special education advocate, getting OCR to act has yielded mixed results. She has seen complaints linger for years as well as recent steps by the new administration to act on disability cases. 

OCR still hasn’t completed a probe into her 2019 complaint that the Fairfax district denied transportation to students with disabilities who needed extra time to complete the PSAT. At the same time, she’s noticed an uptick in OCR investigations on more recent issues. Since early April, officials have responded to two complaints she’s involved in, one filed in December and another in March.

“It’s not clear why they’re starting where they’re starting,” she said. “Things are definitely moving forward, but they’re not doing themselves a favor by keeping their website so outdated.” 

Others are looking elsewhere for relief. 

In Delaware’s Cape Henlopen School District, Louise Michaud Ngido, an English language teacher, said she’s heard nothing about that schools have failed to provide English learners with adequate support. Students new to the country, she said, don’t receive specific English development classes and staff members don’t provide translation services or interpreters for parents. The district denied any discrimination.

Under Cardona, OCR opened an investigation last October, but Ngido has heard nothing since. She said she hopes Delaware will be “more proactive” and investigate complaints that OCR won’t.

Department of Justice priorities

At least to eliminate the education department would shift OCR’s workload to the DOJ. But the education staff there has always been a fraction of the size of OCR’s. Simon’s former office once had 40 attorneys. Now, she said, it has six. 

The agency’s priorities have also changed. 

In with the Epoch Times, a conservative media outlet, Harmeet Dhillon, assistant attorney general for civil rights, said her agenda includes doing “some law enforcement” against hospitals conducting gender-affirming surgeries, elevating parental rights and dismissing school district consent decrees over desegregation. 

The DOJ said in a that it ended its “probing federal oversight” of integration efforts in Louisiana’s Plaquemines Parish schools because the district was spending “precious local resources” to meet past administration’s demands for data on issues such as hiring and discipline. 

In the interview, Dhillon said the department wants to “let people off the hook” if they corrected past discrimination. Consent decrees, in which a district pays a court-appointed monitor for ongoing oversight, are “a powerful tool” and appropriate when there’s been severe corruption or racism, she said. “What’s not appropriate is to maintain these rent-seeking financial arrangements 
  beyond their normal life cycle.”

But Simons, the former DOJ section chief, said Black students are still disciplined at higher rates than their white peers and are more likely to attend “crumbling” schools. that racial and socioeconomic isolation has steadily increased since the 1980s.

“Segregation persists; inequality persists,” she said. 

Working with universities to collect and preserve existing data is another one of the fund’s goals. The administration, Smith said, might point to a declining number of OCR complaints as evidence of fewer problems in schools, when, in fact, it’s a byproduct of fewer investigations. 

“We want to be able to counter that narrative by showing that just because people aren’t going to OCR doesn’t mean that there aren’t real concerns and real issues of discrimination in our schools,” he said. 

‘The aid of legal counsel’

Jackie Wernz, a civil rights attorney and consultant who worked at the department during the Obama and first Trump administrations, said it’s important for nonprofits like the center to “step up,” but cautioned that outside efforts have limitations.

“Without a robust federal civil rights arm, civil rights in this country are not going to be enforced,” she said. 

States don’t have the same expertise and resources, she said, and it’s unclear who would enforce any changes.

But Smith countered that the bulk of what OCR investigators do is negotiate solutions between families and district staff. 

“Having parents and children do that with the aid of legal counsel,” he said, “will yield far better results and outcomes than if they try to navigate those systems on their own.”

But the result was something else.

Parents bombarded the dedicated email address with off-topic rants on issues from kids using outdated textbooks to districts that failed to pay for special education evaluations. In the end, the process likely attracted more critics than supporters to the governor’s cause.  urged Black parents to “flood” the governor with complaints about “history being silenced.” The state shut the tip line down offering scant evidence of indoctrination.

A New Hampshire project met . State officials disabled it last year after a ruled that the state’s 2021 “banned concepts” laws that restricted lessons on LGBTQ issues and racial history were too vague. 

But in Oklahoma, a school safety alert system that Superintendent Ryan Walters uses to expose and punish what he calls the Five complaints pointed to books that Walters deemed “pornographic” in a district north of Oklahoma City. His accusation sparked a legal battle over whether the state chief could control the contents of school libraries. 

Richard Cobb, superintendent of the Mid-Del Schools, outside Oklahoma City, called the online system “a huge overreach.” 

“It’s frustrating because anyone can report anything,” he said. “Then the burden is on us to prove our innocence.”

And for many educators, there’s the rub — especially now that the Trump administration has made combating diversity, equity and inclusion an urgent national priority.

On Feb. 27, the U.S. Department of Education launched the . Its name leaves no doubt about its purpose — to uncover and eradicate examples of diversity, equity and inclusion in more than 100,000 schools across the nation. In a statement, Moms for Liberty co-founder Tiffany Justice urged parents to “share the receipts of the betrayal that has happened in our public schools.”

Trump made the issue a hallmark of his campaign, calling such policies “absolute nonsense” and “illegal.” 

On the department’s portal, a simple online form invites parents to report “illegal discriminatory practices“ that the department will use to launch investigations. 

But the department didn’t say what made DEI illegal, and the concept has proved notoriously difficult to define. Schools have implemented race-focused activities like in elementary school, drawing backlash from parents who say the lessons make their children feel ashamed. But others have blocked lessons of clear historical significance, such as about Ruby Bridges, the first Black child to attend a school in New Orleans. 

Even in its attempt to eliminate DEI, the department has found the concept to be something of a moving target.

The launch of the portal followed a stern from the Office for Civil Rights that districts could face investigation if they treat “students differently on the basis of race.” In response, some teachers from lessons on Black history. A day after unveiling the portal, however, officials followed up with a more , explaining that cultural observances like Black History Month and International Holocaust Remembrance Day would be acceptable as long as all students, regardless of race, are welcome to participate. 

But the department recently resumed the offensive. Last week, it told states and districts to sign a document certifying that they have eliminated DEI practices or risk losing millions of dollars in federal funding. The department has since extended the deadline until April 24, said Madi Biedermann, a department spokeswoman.

New York is among of states that has . Washington state Superintendent Chris Reykdal called the department’s ultimatum “an assault on the autonomy of states” and said it would be “irresponsible” to sign the certification. California also seems to be . In an emailed statement, the state education agency called the demand “another attempt to impose a national ideology on local schools by threatening to withhold vital resources for students.”

Adding to the outsize stakes is the way the Trump administration has weaponized the issue, canceling grants and connected with even tangential connections to DEI work. In some cases, it has used DEI as an excuse to challenge legitimate history and bolster thinly veiled discrimination. Using artificial intelligence to comb through over 1,000 web pages, the Pentagon to notable achievements among minority members of the military. It later restored some of them. And in January, Trump for a fatal mid-air collision between a helicopter and a plane over the Potomac River.

Those who have worked in states that have implemented tip lines expect End DEI to meet with a similar flurry of confusion, tangents, spam, personal grievances — and a chill on important classroom discussions.

“I can see the parallel” with Oklahoma, Cobb said. “We’ve seen the Trump administration bully powerful law firms and Ivy League schools into submission. I imagine they would have zero qualms about applying similar pressure to individuals or school districts.”

‘Snitch line mentality’

The department’s move comes amid deep national divisions about DEI. A January by The Economist and YouGov found a roughly even split, with 45% in favor of ending such programs in government and schools, and 40% opposed.

As Trump took office on Jan. 20, another survey attempted to gauge the effects of critical race theory on classroom instruction. The results were similarly mixed. Fifty-eight percent  of high school students reported that their  teachers frequently make comments like, “We must be actively anti-racist,” while 42% responded that teachers support the Black Lives Matter movement. At the same time, 77% said their teachers either never or rarely made them feel uncomfortable about disagreeing with their point of view. 

Brian Kisida, a government and public affairs professor at the University of Missouri and a lead author of the study, said the department’s portal could give parents a vehicle for reporting actual discrimination against their children. But he expressed concern that the likely result would be to magnify the polarization it is designed to eradicate, saying “this snitch line mentality can do more harm than good.”

“I expect many of these disputes could be solved if parents and educators just had good-faith conversations with each other, and both sides would likely learn something in the process,” he said.

Some wonder how the department can thoughtfully navigate the issues, given the dramatic cuts to the program that normally would have been responsible for investigating discrimination complaints: the department’s civil rights office.

Education Secretary Linda McMahon eliminated half of the OCR staff along with seven regional offices that handle investigations. With its remaining employees, the department redirected civil rights enforcement toward administration priorities like ending antisemitic protests on college campuses and keeping transgender students out of girls’ sports. 

“If you’re dismantling the Department of Education and moving everything somewhere else, who are these people that are going to do the investigation?” asked LaToya Baldwin Clark, a law professor at the University of California Los Angeles who . “Who are these people that actually do any type of enforcement?”

Biedermann, the department spokeswoman, would not say who is reviewing the submissions or whether officials have followed up on any tips. But unlike the Department of Defense, she said staff members at the department — not AI — will review submissions to identify potential areas for investigation. Biederman offered no information on how many reports the system has received, but Marleigh Schaefer, a spokeswoman for Moms for Liberty, said “thousands of parents have submitted to the portal.” 

One of them is Lauren McDonough, part of a Texas conservative group called Families Engaged.

In her complaint to the department, she described her failed attempts to get the Richardson Independent School District to pass a policy requiring students to use bathrooms that match their sex assigned at birth. She became concerned after learning that a trans girl in first grade attends her daughters’ school. In an email, a district official told her that schools consider transgender students’ requests on a case-by-case basis.

“I was like ‘What the heck, it takes five minutes,’ ” McDonough said of the form. “If something comes of it, great, but my hopes are very low. I feel like I have to exhaust my resources as a parent.”

Biedermann said people who make submissions shouldn’t necessarily expect a response and described the portal as a “tool to identify where and if there are pockets or patterns of 
 violations.”

Not surprisingly, the site, created by staff from billionaire Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency, fell prey to pranks. “Y’all know what to do 
Copy the Bee Movie script,” one critic — a reference to an about sending the entire script from the 2014 movie to crash a site. Three former staffers at the department said in the rush to get the portal up, the site went down within 12 hours.

“We were laughing about it,” said a former employee who asked to remain anonymous to protect colleagues still at the department. 

Biedermann acknowledged that the portal was initially overwhelmed, but said it resumed operations in about an hour and is now working smoothly.

‘Name names’ 

In Virginia, Youngkin set up his special email address to make good on a promise to listen to parents’ concerns. His successful run for governor in 2021 tapped into deep anger over remote learning and fears that critical race theory was infiltrating classrooms. An academic principle usually reserved for graduate schools, CRT argues that racism is built into the fabric of American institutions.

As governor, Youngkin’s first banned classroom lessons based on CRT. On a , he promoted the tip line as a way to track down “inherently divisive teaching practices.” 

He called out the Fairfax County district for a high school English assignment, titled Privilege Bingo, that was intended to teach students about diverse perspectives. The squares on the bingo card listed features such as being white, Christian, male and able-bodied. , an Army veteran complained that the lesson listed being part of a military family as an example of privilege. The district apologized and revised the activity, but said it remained committed to teaching students how to understand multiple viewpoints. Youngkin pledged to wipe out similar lessons from Virginia classrooms. 

“We’re going to make sure that we catalog it all,” he said.

But the effort didn’t go as planned. Teachers in the Prince William County district, next to Fairfax, thought it was a joke. They even ordered custom T-shirts that read “Hi tip line? I’d like to report Virginia teachers for being incredible at what they do. Thanks Bye.” 

“We just couldn’t believe that they were going to spend tax dollars to run this tip line, but not fully fund our schools to decrease class sizes,” said Angie Trerotola, a high school social studies teacher in Prince William.  

Saturday Night Live’s Weekend Update got into the act. Co-anchor Colin Jost quipped, “You know you’re racist when you call the cops about a Black character in a book.”

In response to public records requests, the governor’s staff initially submissions to the tip line. But when several news outlets sued, the governor turned over 350 emails as part of a settlement, few of which pointed to lessons Youngkin was trying to eliminate. A spokesman referred ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ to a statement it released in the fall of 2022 explaining that it the tip line because it was “receiving little to no volume.”

A similar tip line in Rhode Island also failed to gain traction. The Rhode Island Center for Freedom and Prosperity, a nonprofit, at the height of outrage and confusion over how schools were teaching racial issues. It called on parents to “‘name names’ of those indoctrinating our kids.” 

The free market think tank and the conservative Civics Alliance collaborated on that said state social studies standards are “animated by a radical identity-politics ideology” and show “hostility toward America.” The standards expect students to study Latino history, workers’ rights and feminism, they wrote, but distort “history where white men played the leading roles.”

More recently, Mike Stenhouse, the center’s CEO, that a policy that recognizes transgender students and protects their decision to use restrooms and locker rooms that align with their gender identity puts them at risk of a civil rights investigation by the Trump administration.

But after four years, the group’s tip line had nothing to show for it, Stenhouse said in an email. The line “has not yielded any notable results” or received many “credible responses,” he said. Stenhouse blamed the lack of participation on the center’s failure to adequately promote the site.

‘Soup du jour’

In Oklahoma, Superintendent Walters has had more success getting the public’s help. His predecessor, Joy Hofmeister, launched a website called Awareity to report school security risks. Walters turned to it to and districts violating a state law banning divisive concepts and his own mandates.

last year focused on two books in the Edmond School District’s high school libraries. The Kite Runner by Khaled Hosseini, is an award-winning bestseller about an Afghan boy’s relationship with his father set against the backdrop of the Soviet-Afghan war, and The Glass Castle by Jeannette Walls is a memoir about growing up in a dysfunctional family. Both books include descriptions of sexual assault.

Walters threatened to downgrade the district’s accreditation if they didn’t remove them. When the district sued over his rule, it had chosen to “peddle porn and is leading the charge to undermine parents in Oklahoma.”

Cobb, the Mid-Del superintendent, didn’t pull the books, but others preemptively removed the titles and similar ones Walters labeled “filth.”

“I guess we all have to make our own decisions,” Cobb said. “But I’d rather stand up and fight than comply in advance with something that is wrong.”

Walters lost the case Edmond brought against him last year. The Oklahoma Supreme Court accused the superintendent of acting with “unauthorized quasi-judicial authority” and said decisions over library materials are up to local districts. 

The option to report “pornographic materials or sexualized content” no longer appears in Awareity’s dropdown menu. The public also can no longer use it to report that a teacher is violating the state’s divisive concepts law. Last June, a federal judge parts of the legislation, finding some of the language confusing for teachers to follow. 

But Walters has a new use for Awareity. The public can report a “violation of religious liberty and patriotism rights.” Those categories complement his controversial mandate for teachers to in the classroom and that students should be allowed to fly and display the American flag at school “without infringement.” 

“It’s like the soup du jour — whatever issues seem to be playing well at the current time,” said Brendon Hoover, coordinator at the Kirkpatrick Policy Group, which advocates for schools having full-time librarians.

He worked with Oklahoma Appleseed for Law and Justice, a nonprofit law firm, to file an open records request for Awareity files. Complaints included objections to schools offering Stamped, by anti-racist author Ibram Kendi, and a middle school book fair featuring selections from the LGBTQ-themed Heartstopper series of graphic novels.

The Oklahoma Department of Education did not respond to questions about Awareity.

Hoover blames the current atmosphere surrounding classroom instruction for contributing to an exodus of teachers from the profession and the state. Last year, Oklahoma approved nearly for teachers to fill vacancies, breaking a previous record, the Oklahoma Voice reported.

“Oklahoma has a huge teacher shortage,” Hoover said, “and it’s because teachers are under attack by their own state Superintendent.”

One former Oklahoma health teacher got tired of being a target. Describing herself as a “blue drop in a red sea,” she said the threat of being reported for discussing racial issues was one reason she left the classroom in 2022. She stopped teaching a lesson about how the slave trade likely contributed to Black Americans’ to certain diseases like diabetes and high blood pressure. After parents complained, an administrator encouraged her to drop the material from her curriculum.

“What the parents heard was, ‘White folks did this to Black folks,’ ” said the teacher, who asked to remain anonymous to protect future job prospects.

UCLA’s Clark said she expects the new End DEI portal to create a similar chill. 

“These mechanisms to surveil and to monitor teachers and principals are ripe for reports that are not serious or not given in good faith,” she said. Ultimately, she said, “the purpose is to get people to self-censor.”

Lawyers for Civil Rights and Massachusetts Advocates for Children filed Sept. 18 against Saugus Public Schools seeking the release of records around the district’s admissions policy. The legal advocates claim the policy, which mandates that families fill out the town census among other requirements, disproportionately affects immigrant and other vulnerable student groups. Saugus district officials did not respond to a request for comment.

Just weeks after Massachusetts attorneys flagged two school districts for allegedly denying newcomer students their legal right to an education, researchers examining Oregon and Michigan state data found that English learners were less likely than other students to be enrolled in the core classes they need to graduate. 

Both of these issues were called out in a June undercover investigation by ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ that revealed rampant enrollment discrimination against older immigrant students. These newer findings show many such barriers remain in various parts of the country. 

Boston-based and asked the state attorney general’s office on Aug. 28 to investigate Saugus Public Schools for practices they say single out immigrant children: The school system currently bars entry to students whose families did not complete the annual town census. 

While local census data collection is in Massachusetts, lawyers say it can’t be tied to student enrollment. 

“With school starting in Saugus this week and the School Committee digging in its heels, it is imperative that the Attorney General intervene,” Erika Richmond Walton, an attorney with Lawyers for Civil Rights, said in a statement last week. “No child in Massachusetts should be denied the right to an education based on exclusionary policies.” 

In an earlier interview, attorneys said that the district also applies overly-stringent residency and proof-of-identity requirements that make it difficult for children — especially immigrants — to register, violating their rights under federal and state law. 

The attorney general’s office said in a statement that “it is in touch with the Saugus School District regarding their school admissions policy,” noting that “federal and state law gives all students equal access to a public education, regardless of immigration status.”

Saugus Public Schools, 11 miles north of Boston, served , up from 2,297 two years earlier. In the 2023-24 school year, English was not the first language of and 13% of students were   The district was in the 2022-23 school year, slightly higher than the state at 24.2%. 

ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ’s enrollment  investigation also found that some school personnel who were willing to admit an older immigrant student wanted to severely limit his participation, including allowing him to take only ESL classes. Researchers in Oregon looked at the practice they call in their own state and Michigan. 

Analyzing statewide data from the 2013-14 to 2018-19 school years, they found that just 55% of English learners in Oregon were enrolled in all the required core classes compared to 69% of those students who had graduated from the English learner program and 67% who were never enrolled in it.

In Michigan, 66% of English learners were enrolled in all of the core classes compared to 71% of former English learner students and those who were never enrolled in the program, according to the most recently available statewide data from the 2011-12 to 2014-15 school years. Under , public schools must ensure that English learners can “participate meaningfully and equally in educational programs,” including having access to grade-level curricula so they can be promoted and graduate.

Researchers said race and socioeconomics were critical factors in exclusionary tracking, noting that English learners in Oregon were more likely to take standalone English language development classes and live in poverty than those in Michigan. 

“The scope of the problem is pretty large,” said Ilana Umansky, an associate professor at the University of Oregon who co-wrote the report. “It’s so important that kids can get through high school and graduate with a regular diploma.”

Immigrant advocate Adam Strom called the actions in all three states an outrage.

​​”Exclusionary tracking and denial of registration for immigrant students not only violate their legal rights,” he said, “but also rob the entire school community of the rich cultural and intellectual contributions these students offer.”

Unwelcome to America

Senior reporter Jo Napolitano spent nearly a year and a half calling 630 high schools around the country trying to enroll a 19-year-old newcomer whose education had been interrupted after the ninth grade. Napolitano posed as the student’s aunt and told schools “Hector Guerrero” had recently arrived in their district from Venezuela with limited English skills. 

Hector was turned away 330 times, including more than 200 denials in the 35 states and the District of Columbia where he had a legal right to attend based on his age.

Those who refused our test student predicted that he would not graduate, a factor that should not have played a part in such a decision, several state education department officials said. Thirteen states and three major cities have now said they are taking action to bolster newcomer students’ educational rights as a result of ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ’s reporting.

Three schools in Massachusetts, where students have a right to attend until age 21, denied our test student and two more said they were likely to. Education officials there told ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ last month they would call those districts to discuss the findings, but planned no other statewide corrective measures.

Saugus schools Superintendent Michael Hashem’s secretary, Dianne Vargas, handles enrollment in the North Shore district. She told ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ last week that are lawful and that she’s in regular contact with the state education department and state attorney general’s office. 

She maintained that the requirement that “(f)amilies who move to Saugus must complete the Town of Saugus census” to be eligible to register their children is waived for incoming immigrant students and that the rules were in place before August 2023, when the attorneys say they were adopted.

But, she said, the district does require other forms of paperwork — all meant to protect these students’ welfare.

“We want to make sure they are with a parent or guardian — that they actually have someone who is caring for them so we don’t have doubling up and people aren’t passing children around,” she said. “We have a good amount of scattered living or sheltered students who are refugees or migrants and they cannot be left without guardianship. We have a translator 
 we have everything up to date and make sure these people feel welcome.”

She said her office asks for — but does not require — a birth certificate and medical records. But Diana I. Santiago, a senior attorney and director at Massachusetts Advocates for Children, said Saugus’s enrollment policies effectively barred at least two immigrant families from enrolling their children in a timely manner, resulting in “substantial time” out of school. 

The enrollment policy warns that parents, guardians or any others who “violate or assist in violation of this policy by submitting false documentation, aiding, abetting or conspiring to admit a child as a student of Saugus Public Schools, shall be subject to all applicable criminal and civil penalties.” 

It also pledges that if a student’s family moves out of the district during the school year, that student’s “immigration records required by law, shall be transferred immediately to the school in the city or town where they are residing.”

It’s unclear why the district would be in possession of a student’s immigration records. Schools cannot, under federal law, turn away students based on their , although conservative forces are now looking  . At an Aug. 30 Moms for Liberty gathering, GOP presidential nominee Donald Trump said the country is “being poisoned” and that immigrant students are

Closing doors

Santiago described the language used throughout Saugus’s enrollment policy — including terms like “legal residents” and “immigration paperwork” — as coded and meant to target the city’s growing immigrant community. 

“It’s just inserted there as another way to try to keep students out, especially immigrant students,” she said. 

Massachusetts is generally considered a national leader in education. The state attorney general’s on its website said it’s critical they “ensure that all children residing in their jurisdictions have equal access to public education” by allowing them to enroll and attend school without regard to race, national origin, or immigration or citizenship status. They must also avoid information requests “that have the purpose or effect of discouraging or denying access to school” based on those factors.  

In another Bay State case that set off alarms in late July, Norfolk Town Administrator said a change in the state’s emergency shelter system meant children temporarily housed at one location “will not be enrolled in Norfolk Public Schools or the King Philip Regional School District.” After pushback from immigrant advocates, he . 

ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ’s investigation revealed a litany of ways that districts make enrollment arduous or unwelcoming for immigrant students. A principal in Green River, Wyoming, said our test student could be admitted but “wouldn’t get to participate in extracurriculars,” while a Caldwell, Idaho, principal said he would “maybe” allow him to enroll in math and science classes, but not English or history.

The Oregon researchers said the practice of keeping English learners out of core classes is significant and undermines , a pivotal 1974 Supreme Court case that requires districts to  

Umansky and co-author Karen D. Thompson, associate professor at Oregon State University, have researching educational inequity for English learners.

Thompson said exclusionary tracking goes against high schools’ mission to graduate students college and career ready. , they said, can boost student access. 

“We want students who are classified as English learners to be able to learn and thrive and have all of the opportunities they can,” she said. “If their access to core content is restricted, some future doors might be closed to them.” 

A Philadelphia group wants schools to focus more on being places of joy as a way to overhaul the culture in district schools, and it’s relying on parents and community voices for help.

Lift Every Voice, the organization behind this year’s Joy Campaign, is backing the creation of a to bolster access to recess, the arts, counselors, and the district’s program to bolster student mental health known as the Support Team for Educational Partnership. The blueprint would also create a Chief of Joy position in the district; in June, the City Council a resolution in Philly schools. The group says this approach to budgeting and community input is crucial for reducing things like disparities in student discipline.

The district has its own federally funded restorative justice program that focuses on student empowerment and engagement. But Lift Every Voice wants its work to be broader by auditing whether collective punishments like enforced quiet times and limited recess in schools contribute to inequities and an anti-Black environment. Parent surveys conducted by Lift Every Voice from earlier this year show that student mental health and school climate and environments are still major concerns that the district must address, the group says.

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Ultimately, it

“The school system is a closed system that doesn’t want to be told what to do and we’re starting to force them to come to grips with our voice that’s not going away,” said Wes Lathrop, Lift Every Voice’s organizing director.

Councilmember Kendra Brooks, who co-sponsored the June resolution, sees the campaign as a way to help schools embrace cultural differences, and as a way to to reduce disparities and biases, including those held by adults.

“We have to find a way to embrace the model and make it part of the normal cultural norms,” Brooks said. “A project we’re taking on has to be embedded. The only way we do that is consistency and sustainability, and oftentimes we haven’t seen that.”

Lathrop sees community involvement in restorative justice as a two-way street, pointing to the importance for all citizens of having students who are well-prepared for the job market and post-graduation life: “Parents can be a real guiding powerful force to really shape the future of the district.”

Susan McLeod, a Philadelphia public schools parent, got involved with Lift Every Voice because of issues her child was facing. She feels crucial decisions are made in the district without any parent involvement, such as announcements of district school closures more than 10 years ago that took her completely off guard. The group has helped her feel empowered on her own and her child’s behalf.

“It’s important for us to lay this foundation for our kids to have a better learning experience as young as elementary school,” McLeod said.

Racial disparities in student discipline represent one particular concern. The district has adopted practices rooted in restorative justice, an approach to discipline that emphasizes conflict mediation between students and other forms of resolving conflicts as alternatives to student suspensions and expulsions.

Overall suspensions have declined in Philadelphia public schools recently: The percentage of students with at least one suspension in a school year has dropped from about 11.5% in 2013 to about 5.7% in 2023. But over that same period, Black and Hispanic students were suspended at higher rates relative to their total enrollment than white students, according to data from the .

The district’s Relationships First initiative started in 2019 and expanded in 2023 to include more schools. It’s focused on developing students as leaders in restorative justice efforts and trains teachers to guide students in that work.

“Folks have the opportunity to engage in restorative conversations 
 and to be able to provide alternatives to suspension across the entire district,” said Luis Rosario, assistant director of school climate and culture for the district. “I do think it’s a testament to the leadership of our school district to move in that direction.”

These efforts dovetail with another led by Healing Futures. Healing Futures is operated by the nonprofit Youth Art & Self-Empowerment Project that receives case referrals from the Philadelphia District Attorney’s office in place of a legal charge. In programs that last a minimum of eight weeks with mentor participation, students attend weekly discussions about their values and community and how to take accountability for the harm created by the student’s actions.

“We want to make sure that as many different perspectives of a situation can come into the room and offer their insight and support collectively,” said Hanae Mason, who is shadowing Healing Futures as part of her work as a to improve systems serving youth.

Building students’ agency and perspective can take different forms and lead to various outcomes.

Mary Libby, former principal at what’s now the Marian Anderson Neighborhood Academy, worked to introduce restorative justice practices and noticed students taking on more responsibility after formal restorative sessions. Students led the push when in honor of singer and local civil rights activist Marian Anderson, Libby said.

“In order for us to collectively move forward in a restorative and inclusive way, we need to trust and let the kids lead that process,” Libby said.

Malachi Grogan, an incoming seventh grader at Anderson who helped lead efforts to change the school’s name, is proud of the trust he has created with his peers where he can now lead restorative or cooling conversations.

“If we talk about it then we can get to know how people are feeling,” Grogan said. “And if we don’t know how people are feeling, how are we supposed to help them?”

Correction, Aug. 8, 2024: This article has been updated to clarify that Healing Futures is not led by the district attorney’s office, but is part of the nonprofit Youth Art & Self-Empowerment Project. It receives case referrals from the district attorney’s office but is not part of city government.

This was originally published by Chalkbeat. Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools. Sign up for their newsletters at .

Senior reporter Jo Napolitano spent nearly a year and a half calling 630 high schools in every state plus Washington, D.C. to test whether they would admit a 19-year-old Venezuelan transplant who spoke little English and whose education was interrupted after ninth grade. Using her own name, she told school officials the new arrival was her nephew, that he had recently moved to their district and was eager to resume his studies. 

“Hector Guerrero,” a stand-in for others like him, was refused 330 times, including more than 200 denials in states where he had a legal right to attend according to his age. Many schools, including those that reluctantly accepted him, tried hard to steer Hector to GED programs, adult education or community college — anything but public school.

ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ’s investigation, which exposed a pervasive hostility and suspicion toward older newcomers, proved enrollment for this group is arbitrary across the map, with little consistency within states, counties or school districts: Staffers within the very same building sometimes disagreed. 

And those answering these high-stakes enrollment questions — from temporary office workers to school principals — often provided bad information. 

Almost all 50 states and D.C. have laws establishing a maximum age for public school enrollment. In 35 states and the District of Columbia, general education students can attend high school to at least 20 — often to 21. 

ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ reached out to 25 states and the U.S. Capitol where Hector was within the maximum enrollment age but faced a high volume of rejections to alert education department officials to our findings.

“It is very concerning that there is confusion among school districts about this issue,” said Jackie Matthews of the Illinois State Board of Education. “We are updating our enrollment to clarify the maximum age of enrollment and are issuing additional guidance to address specific questions about enrolling newcomer students. We hope to bring greater clarity to the field.”

Illinois, where students can stay in high school until age 21, had among the highest refusal rates of any state in the country — 25 out of 32 schools turned Hector away.

In Chicago alone, he was rejected by seven out of eight high schools — and was likely to be refused by one other. Among the rejections: Benito Juarez Community Academy, founded in 1977 when a group of Latina mothers in their neighborhood.

“We are concerned anytime we hear reports that a prospective student and/or family member may have been turned away from their right to a free public education,” a spokeswoman for the city’s public schools, which serve , wrote in an email. “We have shared the findings on specific schools and are doubling down on our efforts to ensure those particular schools — and all staff — understand the law and our own CPS policies.”

The school system, like many other districts and state education departments around the country, noted it has long taken steps to educate staff about newcomers’ rights. Chicago Public Schools, which at the district level has — many arriving to the city after being bused from southern states — called it “a matter of rightful presence.”

The New Mexico Public Education Department’s general counsel drafted a memorandum to all districts and charters outlining their legal obligations to these and other students. A spokeswoman there confirmed the action is in response to ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ’s findings. The memo was sent out in early August.

“School districts and charter schools have a responsibility to educate these students regardless of  their relative academic ability or likelihood of success,” it reads. “They are entitled to receive as much education as other students, until graduation or equivalent, or aging out of the public school system.” 

State education officials in Michigan say they need additional legislative action to guarantee students’ rights. Spokesman Bob Wheaton said current state law is silent on whether districts must enroll prospective students who will turn 19 or 20 during the school year — even though the law states such students are eligible to attend and school districts receive state aid for supporting them. 

“State law says these students are eligible to attend but doesn’t say schools must enroll them,” Wheaton wrote. “That’s why we support legislation to change that.” 

Hector was turned down by 11 of 16 Michigan high schools with one other saying it would likely refuse him. Wheaton said a team of staffers within the department is working to explore and recommend a change to the statute’s language.

He said ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ’s investigation “shines a light on the need for states to improve not just their policy in this area but the implementation of their policy.”

Officials in D.C., where Hector was rejected by 6 out of 7 schools, also vowed to take action on the issue before the start of the academic year. The Office of the State Superintendent of Education will “ensure staff consistently share key resources and information with any student or family that contacts a school about enrollment, so that the correct process can be followed and the student enrolled,” a spokesman wrote. 

ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ called 20 high schools in Georgia, where students have a right to attend until age 21, and received 14 refusals and two likely rejections. The state education department did not pledge to take any additional steps to ensure immigrant students’ rights based on our findings — but the Atlanta Public Schools had a starkly different reaction. 

A district administrator who works with multilingual learners reached out to ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ two days after our story published and said the 50,000-student school system had been “diligently educating our registrars to ensure no eligible student is denied enrollment in our district.” She said it intended to take further steps based on our findings. 

State education department officials in Minnesota, Kansas, Missouri, Ohio, Mississippi and South Carolina said they will reach out to all of the individual schools that refused Hector — in addition to numerous other measures — while Colorado said it will contact the districts as a whole.   

Colorado will also advise school superintendents of their responsibility toward these students at upcoming presentations and conferences, a spokesman said. It will highlight enrollment in the commissioner’s monthly communication to superintendents for August and include periodic reminders throughout the school year.

Virginia, where Hector was accepted by just 1 out of 11 schools, also pledged to act on our findings. 

“Your reporting showed that a number of our school divisions could use a refresher on the current enrollment requirements, so we are using the start of the school year as an opportunity to remind all divisions of the obligations involving enrollment,” state education officials said. “It is not something we would usually send.”

The North Dakota Department of Public Instruction holds an annual workshop in the summer for school administrators, typically in August, to help prepare for the new school year. At this year’s gathering, a spokesperson said, the department will remind administrators of the state law about maximum age for school admittance — and ask that they ensure staffers who handle enrollment are made aware of it. 

North Dakota must admit all students who have not turned 21 by Aug. 1 of that school year.

“This reminder will certainly be verbal and I suspect there will also be a written reminder as well,” the spokesperson said. “I’m sure your story will be mentioned.”

The department has also reached out to the two high schools that refused Hector. 

ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ contacted a minimum of five high schools in each state. Napolitano then added hundreds more in various locations across the country based primarily on the number and percentage of Hispanic and immigrant residents living there. The calls, which numbered in the thousands, were made between February 2023 and May 2024. They were recorded in those states that allow for one-party consent. 

Roughly 1.1 million people ages 18 to 20 entered the United States between 2012 and 2021, according to the Migration Policy Institute. 

ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ aimed to expose how schools handle enrollment requests for older immigrant  students in this openly xenophobic era, one in which the southern border has become a and more and more Americans say for the country despite newcomers bring. 

Conservative forces have been from school for . They now want schools to collect information on students’ immigration status when they enroll and charge tuition for undocumented children or the children of undocumented parents. Such steps would defy — and potentially set the stage to overturn — Plyler v. Doe, the landmark 1982 Supreme Court ruling that a child cannot be denied a public education based on immigration status. 

Texas, which has and is constantly pushing for even more , had among the worst acceptance rates in the nation: 18 of 29 schools refused to admit Hector. Two others said they were likely to turn him away. 

The Texas Education Agency said it shared ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ’s findings with the state’s Special Investigations Unit. It’s unclear what action may be taken. In Texas, where roughly is an immigrant, students can remain in high school until age 21 and, if a school district accepts them, . 

State education officials in Alaska, Hawaii and Maine — where Hector was denied by 16 of 27 total schools — did not respond to repeated calls and emails asking for comment. 

Educators and advocates from across the country reached out to ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ on their own shortly after our June 17 investigation was published to report that these discriminatory enrollment practices were widespread — sometimes involving immigrants as young as 17.

Several said they were heartened to hear at least some states are moving quickly to re-enforce the law.

“I believe that when people are reminded of the facts and stop to think about the importance of allowing all students to pursue an education, they will push for positive change,” said student immigration advocate and policy expert Timothy Boals. 

Adam Strom, of Re-Imagining Migration, said immigrant students still face barriers once they enter school, but getting through the door is a crucial first step.

“That work begins, but does not end, with ensuring that all eligible students have unfettered access to education,” he said. “There is more work to be done to ensure equitable educational opportunities, however this is a hopeful start.”

This story was produced with support from the Education Writers Association Reporting Fellowship program.

A federal district court judge in Missouri has blocked implementation of the Biden administration’s new Title IX rule in six additional states — Arkansas, Iowa, Nebraska, North Dakota and South Dakota.

The , ordered late Wednesday, brings to 21 the total number of states where the U.S. Department of Education can’t enforce the rule on Aug. 1.

Judge Rodney W. Sippel, a Clinton nominee, said the plaintiffs have a “fair chance” of demonstrating that the department “exceeded its statutory authority” by using the Supreme Court’s decision in Bostock v. Clayton County to expand Title IX protections to LGBTQ students. 

Ravina Nath, a recent graduate of Gunn High School in Palo Alto, California, originally included Rice University in Houston on her short list of colleges to attend this fall. With an interest in neuroscience, she was drawn to its top-ranked biomedical engineering program. 

That was before Texas became one of to sue the U.S. Department of Education  over its new Title IX rule. The regulation extends protections against discrimination and harassment to LGBTQ students and requires prompt investigations into students’ complaints.

Instead, she’ll attend Barnard College in New York City.

“I need to be in a place where I would feel like my school supported me,” said Nath, who became a in high school. At Rice, some students to how officials handled complaints of sexual misconduct. And she ruled out the University of Georgia, a “potential safety school,” because it to make data on such investigations public. Several of her friends made similar calculations when narrowing down school choices. 

“My friends who are survivors and who are LGBTQ+ students applied to schools on the West Coast or the Northeast,” she said. “I don’t think any of my friends applied to school in .”

With the new rule set to go into effect Aug. 1 — just seven days away — a flurry of lawsuits has once again turned the map of the United States into a familiar patchwork of red and blue.

District courts have blocked the regulation in 15 Republican-led states. In the most recent development, the on Monday asked the U.S. Supreme Court to allow all but related to gender identity issues to go into effect in 10 of those states after two appellate courts denied earlier requests. 

Complicating the legal math further, in an earlier action, a federal judge in Kansas the rule just at serving children of current and future members of the conservative Moms for Liberty and students involved in , another advocacy organization opposed to trans girls competing on teams consistent with their gender identity. Moms for Liberty sees the ruling as an expansion opportunity: On Tuesday, the group tied to Title IX.

With the legal landscape changing daily, some experts think the Education Department should take a step back and delay the rule.

“For schools, universities and students, it’ll calm things down,” said Sandra Hodgin, who runs a Title IX consulting firm in Los Angeles. “What are we talking about, 75% of the country not implementing Title IX and only 25% of the country implementing it?”

A spokesperson said the department has no plans to skirt the Aug. 1 deadline. On Tuesday, it sent schools a list of “” and a on how to draft policies to comply.   

For now, the Supreme Court is considering whether to lift the temporary pause on the rule in the affected states.

The far larger question is what the justices might decide if and when they consider the substance of the rule itself. In addition to expanding protections to LGBTQ students, the new rule largely replaced one issued under former Education Secretary Betsy DeVos. That regulation narrowed the definition of sexual misconduct and required live hearings so male students could face their accusers. 

W. Scott Lewis, managing partner with TNG Consulting, which trains districts across the country on Title IX, has advised red states covered by an injunction, like Wyoming and Idaho, that they’re currently bound by the 2020 regulation.

But that could change quickly. 

“It’s a race to the Supreme Court right now,” he said.

‘Bigger than sports’

Some families with LGBTQ students aren’t waiting for the legal drama to run its course. They’ve already to escape laws that bar trans students from using bathrooms or playing on sports teams consistent with their gender identity. Several have moved to the Denver metro area, where Lewis lives, to attend schools in a state that is not challenging the rule.

“We have more than a handful of students at my kid’s high school who moved here from Wyoming, from Kansas, from Iowa,” he said. 

Most of the controversy surrounding Title IX focuses on trans students’ participation in sports, a part of the rule that the U.S. Department of Education has delayed addressing until after the election. But in Lewis’s estimation, that issue is “bigger than sports.” 

“If I’m in a state that won’t let me compete, I’m probably not in a state that’s very friendly to LGBTQ students on the whole,” he said. “I’m far more likely to just move on.”

In blue states set to implement the new rule, many conservative parents say their children’s rights are also at stake. 

They’re concerned students would be disciplined for not using LGBTQ kids’ preferred pronouns, forced to censor their speech or share bathrooms and locker rooms with trans students.

Hillary Hickland, a mother of four in central Texas, moved her children out of the Belton Independent School District partly because she felt there was too much emphasis on students’ gender identity. Her sixth grade daughter told her that teachers encouraged a friend to identify as a boy and use a boy’s name without the parents’ knowledge. 

“Don’t do it behind the backs of the parents. That’s a huge violation of trust,” she said. As a Republican running for the Texas House, she’s concerned about sexual orientation and gender identity becoming part of Title IX. “We have the federal government dictating what goes on in our local public schools. It really undermines the neighborhood school and that culture that we’re trying to preserve.”

‘Nine months behind’

Lewis predicts the Supreme Court will eventually follow its precedent in , which said that at least in the workplace, LGBTQ employees are protected from discrimination. The Biden administration’s new rule rests on that decision.

, who wrote that majority opinion, “can’t undo Bostock. He said sex means LGBTQ rights,” Lewis said. In red states where the rule is on hold, districts “better be ready to implement very quickly because [they’re] going to be nine months behind everyone else.”

If the court also decides to address sports participation — an expected part of the regulation the administration has yet to issue — Lewis said it’s possible the justices would rule similar to the way they handled , leaving it to the states to determine when trans students can compete on teams consistent with their gender identity. 

He called that a “nightmare scenario” because it would “create a world where athletes could compete in some states but not others.” And at the college, NCAA level, “there will be all sorts of questions that can’t be limited to state borders,” said Joshua Dunn, executive director of the Institute of American Civics at University of Tennessee, Knoxville. “They’ll have to address that, too.”

Dunn also suggested the conservative court might not follow Bostock and could treat LGBTQ issues differently at school than they do in the workplace. He noted cases, like , where the court put limits on students’ First Amendment rights in schools “that it would never allow outside of K-12 education.” 

Overturning ‘Chevron’

Another recent Supreme Court decision, unrelated to education, adds an additional layer of uncertainty to the debate over Title IX’s future — one that could affect both sides. 

In , the court overturned what was known as “Chevron deference,” which gave federal agencies broad authority to interpret ambiguous laws through guidance and regulations. The decision gives federal courts more power to explain the law when it’s unclear, and experts say, should end “.”

The Obama administration first issued a in 2011 stating schools’ obligations to protect students from sexual violence and harassment, which the Trump administration largely reversed in 2020, followed by yet another 180 in the spring by Biden’s education department.

Republicans have Education Secretary Miguel Cardona that they will review the department’s rules since President Joe Biden took office,  including Title IX. GOP leaders call the rule “overreach.” 

The conservative Heritage Foundation’s , largely assumed to be a legislative blueprint for a second Trump term,would remove the terms sexual orientation and gender identity from “every federal rule, agency regulation, contract, grant, regulation and piece of legislation that exists.”

But if Trump tries to reinstate the DeVos rule, Democrats could use Loper Bright to bring the same challenge, Lewis said.

“If you 
 say the department does not have the authority, then the 2020 regulations don’t count either,” he said. “It was exactly the same procedure.” 

Originally from El Salvador, he attempted school years earlier, entering the ninth grade at age 17. But he dropped out two and a half years later: Already a parent, he struggled with managing his studies and fatherhood.

“I didn’t think about it, if it was a good decision or a bad one,” Martinez said. But after toiling away at a local Mexican restaurant for years, not making any real progress in life, he came to regret the move. 

Three years after he quit school, his former math teacher came to his workplace by chance and asked Martinez how he was doing. When the young man said he lamented his decision to give up on his education, the teacher told him it wasn’t too late to re-enroll. 

Martinez knew it was his last chance: Half a decade older than his classmates, he took school seriously, earning straight A’s. Now 24, he is chipping away at business classes at the College of Alameda and encourages high schools across the country to open their doors to older, new arrivals like him.

“There are a lot of people who are very, very smart but don’t have the opportunity to continue school,” he said. “If we can help those guys who are very motivated to continue, let’s do it. It will be good for the country, too.”

But a 16-month-long undercover investigation of enrollment practices at 630 high schools across the country — in which ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ tried to register a 19-year-old Venezuelan newcomer who spoke little English and whose education had been interrupted after ninth grade — revealed rampant refusals.

Our test teen, “Hector Guerrero,” was denied more than 300 times, including by 204 schools in the 35 states and the District of Columbia where high school attendance goes up to at least age 20. State education officials in almost all these locations separately confirmed to ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ that a 19-year-old could not be turned away because of his age.

None of the 35 California high schools queried by ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ accepted Hector: The state provides no protection for general education students who wish to enroll past 18, making Martinez’s experience all the more remarkable. 

The young man said he will never forget the teacher who encouraged him to re-register. 

“You may think those are little things that are not important, but in those little things, you can change people’s future,” he said. 

Martinez’s brother, Javier, understands that lesson well. Now 28 years old, he didn’t know he could have enrolled in high school when he came to the United States more than a decade ago. The network of recent immigrants who helped him secure work upon his arrival at 17 never mentioned the possibility, he said. He wishes someone had. 

“I always said I wanted to go to high school, learn more English, learn something different,” he said. 

A house painter by trade, he would much rather work in gastronomy. 

“I would love to teach nutrition and how to cook, something like that,” he said. “I’d like to know more about the food in other countries.” 

But everyone told him that not having finished high school in America would make it nearly impossible for him to attend college. So, he’s adjusted his expectations to meet his opportunity. 

Alanys Zacarias, 22, knows what it’s like to be trapped by the limits of her education. She was turned away by a South Carolina high school at age 18, she said, even though enrollment goes up to age 21 in that state, according to statute. She had already amassed the necessary paperwork and was preparing to get all of the required immunizations when the school dealt an unexpected blow. 

Zacarias, who learned English two years ago in part by watching 19 seasons of Grey’s Anatomy, said her life would be much better today had staffers let her in. An ambitious climber who said she’s mastered new tasks with ease at both her jobs — one at a high-end pan factory, the other at a Charleston-area Walmart — Zacarias believes she would have already earned an associate’s degree or would be closing in on a bachelor’s.

Most importantly, she’d have the money to bring her mother and younger sister here from Venezuela, where daily life is a crushing struggle. The South American country’s . Water shortages and electrical outages are near weekly plagues. 

It’s hard for Zacarias to think back to her refusal from Goose Creek High School because it upended her plans. 

“When he said no, I said, ‘Really?’” she recalled on an April afternoon, adding she had no idea school enrollment would be so difficult. “I thought this is easy. All I wanted to do was go to high school. When he told me no, I thought, ‘What am I going to do now?’ I was upset. I want to be somebody here.”

A Goose Creek school spokesperson said it welcomes students from across the globe and had no comment on Zacarias’s account of her failed enrollment attempt. 

But the would-be student said the encounter has kept her from pursuing her dreams: A freak accident as a child left Zacarias missing a front tooth, prompting a years-long odyssey to replace it — and a deep interest in dentistry. For now, though, her goals will have to wait. 

“When she (her mother) comes here and she’s ready and she’s safe — she will work and my sister can learn English — that will be the time for me,” she said. “I want to try to help my mom and then try to help me.”

Monica Venegas was also intent on enrolling when she arrived on her own in South Carolina at age 20. She was accepted with ease at R.B. Stall High School in 2022. The campus is less than eight miles from the school that turned away Zacarias.

Venegas, who hails from Chile, had to complete four English courses in a single year — this, on top of American history and government — to graduate in May 2023. It was an enormous challenge, she said.

“When I came here, I heard people talking in English and I thought, ‘Oh my God, this is so difficult’,” she recalled this spring inside her apartment in Ladson, 20 miles north of Charleston. 

But she made a wide circle of friends at school, including several native Spanish speakers whose lives seemed to mirror her own. It was their support that emboldened her to speak English, even when she made mistakes. 

“They helped me to feel good about myself and make me feel more sure about myself,” she said. 

Venegas, an aspiring ESL teacher who said she loves kids and wants to help other newcomers, went on to win a partial scholarship to Charleston Southern University. 

She completed five classes there last year, including in math and American culture. But, like many students around the country overwhelmed by college costs, she was forced to halt her studies in December to earn money for tuition. 

Venegas has worked at McDonald’s for more than a year and a half, pulling in $13 an hour. She hopes to resume classes this fall, though she’s not sure how she’ll pay for them. 

No matter her next steps, she is grateful for her time in high school: There is no way, she said, that she could have gone on to college without it. 

Kharrel Medza, 25, was 7 years old when he left Cameroon for Belgium — and 17 when he entered the ninth grade in suburban Houston. Medza, fluent in French and German and equivalent to a 12th grader back home, knew nothing of English.  

“I had to start from scratch,” he said. “So the best way was to take a step back and get every foundation needed. At that time I was a little bit frustrated. But it didn’t take me too long to understand what I needed to be successful here in the U.S.”

High school was essential, even if he was far older than his peers, he said. 

“The beginning was the hardest with the language barrier,” he said. “But I was so immersed into the English world, everything was in English: I had no choice but to figure it out. Eventually, after five or six months, I got comfortable with conversation.”

Medza spent three years in high school before graduating in 2019. He then went on to college, playing D1 soccer at Gardner–Webb University in North Carolina before transferring to Houston Christian College in Texas.

Having studied finance, he graduated this spring and hopes to work in business or banking. 

But some students like Medza are kept from such milestones, prevented from entering high school at all, based, in part, on biases specific to older male teens: that they might prey upon their younger female classmates. 

Medza balked at the notion that his focus was anywhere other than academics. His strict parents had clear expectations of what he needed to accomplish — as did he.   

Medza said he “can never be grateful enough” for the opportunity that high school gave him. The idea that he or other students could lose out on that because of such prejudices troubles him.

“Denying education to someone is a crime,” he said.

This story was produced with support from the Education Writers Association Reporting Fellowship program.

Oriundo de El Salvador, Martinez habĂ­a intentado previamente, matriculĂĄndose a su noveno grado teniendo 17 años. Pero dos años y medio mĂĄs tarde se diĂł de baja: ya siendo padre, tuvo dificultad manejando sus estudios y su nuevo rol paternal.  

“No lo pensĂ©, si habĂ­a sido buena o mala decisiĂłn,“ dijo MarĂ­nez. Pero tras años trabajando incansablemente en un restaurante local Mexicano y sin lograr progresar mucho en su vida, terminĂł arrepintiĂ©ndose de su decisiĂłn.  

Tres años despuĂ©s de abandonar la escuela, su maestro de matemĂĄtica pasĂł por su trabajo y le preguntĂł a MartĂ­nez cĂłmo le iba todo. Al joven compartir que se habĂ­a arrepentido de haber abandonado su educaciĂłn, el maestro le dijo que no era demasiado tarde para volver a matricularse. 

MartĂ­nez supo entonces que esta era su Ășltima oportunidad: siendo media dĂ©cada mayor que sus compañeros se tomĂł la escuela en serio, alcanzando obtener A ‘s en todas las materias. Ahora con 24 años, estĂĄ completando sus clases de negocios en el Alameda College y haciendo un llamado a las escuelas superiores del paĂ­s a abrir sus puertas a estudiantes mayores y nuevos, como Ă©l.

“Hay muchas personas que son muy, muy inteligentes pero no tienen la oportunidad de continuar con la escuela,” dice. “Si pudiĂ©ramos ayudar a los que estĂĄn motivados a continuar, hagĂĄmoslo. SerĂĄ bueno para el paĂ­s tambiĂ©n.”

Pero una investigaciĂłn encubierta de 16 meses en la que El 74 tratĂł de matricular a un venezolano de 19 años que hablaba poco inglĂ©s y cuya educaciĂłn habĂ­a sido interrumpida despuĂ©s de su noveno grado revelĂł negaciones repetidas. 

Nuestro adolescente de prueba, “Hector Guerrero,” fue rechazado mĂĄs de 300 veces, incluyendo a 204 escuelas en los 35 estados — y el distrito de Columbia — donde la edad para matricularse a la secundaria es hasta al menos los 20 años. Oficiales estatales de educaciĂłn en casi todos estos estados confirmaron de forma separada a ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ que un estudiante de 19 años no podĂ­a ser rechazado por su edad.

Ninguna de las 35 escuelas secundarias en California a las que el 74 hizo el acercamiento aceptĂł a Hector: El estado no provee protecciĂłn legal a la educaciĂłn general de los estudiantes que buscan matricularse despuĂ©s del lapso de atendencia compulsoria hasta los 18 años, lo que hace la experiencia de MartĂ­nez mĂĄs extraordinaria aĂșn. 

El joven dice que nunca olvidarĂĄ al maestro que lo alentĂł a rematricularse. 

“Puedes pensar que son cosas pequeñas y que no son importantes, pero en esas cosas pequeñas, le puedes cambiar el futuro a la gente,” dice MartĂ­nez. 

El hermano de Martínez, Javier, tiene clara esa lección. Ahora con 28 años, no sabía que podía haberse matriculado en la escuela secundaria cuando vino a Estados Unidos hace mås de una década. La red de recientes inmigrantes que lo ayudaron a encontrar trabajo en su llegada a los 17 nunca mencionaron esa posibilidad, dice él. Desearía que alguien se lo hubiera dicho.

“Siempre dije que querĂ­a ir a la escuela secundaria, aprender mĂĄs inglĂ©s, aprender algo diferente,” dijo.

Pintor de casas de profesiĂłn, preferirĂ­a trabajar en gastronomĂ­a.

“Me encantarĂ­a enseñar nutriciĂłn y cĂłmo cocinar, algo asĂ­,” dijo. “Me gustarĂ­a saber mĂĄs sobre la comida de otros paĂ­ses.”

Pero todos le dijeron que no haber terminado la escuela secundaria en Estados Unidos harĂ­a casi imposible que asistiera a la universidad. AsĂ­ que ha ajustado sus expectativas para adaptarse a su oportunidad.

Alanys Zacarias, de 22 años, sabe lo que es estar atrapada por los límites de su educación. Dijo que una escuela secundaria de Carolina del Sur la rechazó a los 18 años, a pesar de que por ley, la matrícula estå permitida hasta los 21 años en ese estado. Ya había reunido la documentación necesaria y se estaba preparando para recibir todas las vacunas requeridas cuando la escuela le dio un golpe inesperado.

Zacarias, quien aprendiĂł inglĂ©s hace dos años en parte viendo 19 temporadas de Grey’s Anatomy, dijo que su vida ahora serĂ­a mucho mejor si la hubieran aceptado. Con una ambiciĂłn incansable dice haber dominado nuevas tareas con facilidad en ambos trabajos — uno en una fĂĄbrica de sartenes de lujo y el otro en un Walmart del ĂĄrea de Charleston— Zacarias cree que ya habrĂ­a obtenido un tĂ­tulo de asociado o estarĂ­a a punto de conseguir un tĂ­tulo de universitario.

Lo mĂĄs importante es que tendrĂ­a el dinero para traer a su madre y a su hermana menor desde Venezuela, donde la vida diaria es una lucha aplastante. La tasa de inflaciĂłn  el año pasado. AllĂ­, la escasez de agua y los cortes elĂ©ctricos son plagas casi semanales.

A Zacarias le resulta difĂ­cil recordar su rechazo de la Goose Creek High School porque desbaratĂł sus planes.

“Cuando me dijo que no, dije, ‘¿De verdad?’” recordĂł una tarde de abril, añadiendo que no tenĂ­a idea de que la inscripciĂłn escolar serĂ­a tan difĂ­cil. “PensĂ© que esto serĂ­a fĂĄcil. Todo lo que querĂ­a hacer era ir a la escuela secundaria. Cuando me dijo que no, pensĂ©, ‘¿QuĂ© voy a hacer ahora?’ Estaba molesta. Quiero ser alguien aquĂ­.”

Un representante de la escuela Goose Creek dijo que dan la bienvenida a estudiantes de todo el mundo y no hizo comentarios sobre la versiĂłn de Zacarias acerca de su intento fallido de inscripciĂłn.

Pero la estudiante aspirante dijo que el encuentro le ha impedido perseguir sus sueños: un accidente extraño en su infancia dejó a Zacarias sin un diente frontal, lo que provocó una odisea de años para reemplazarlo y un profundo interés en la odontología. Por ahora, sin embargo, sus objetivos tendrån que esperar.

“Cuando ella (su madre) venga aquĂ­ y estĂ© lista y a salvo — ella trabajarĂĄ y mi hermana podrĂĄ aprender inglĂ©s — ese serĂĄ el momento para mĂ­,” dijo. “Quiero tratar de ayudar a mi mamĂĄ y luego tratar de ayudarme a mĂ­.”

Monica Venegas tambiĂ©n tenĂ­a intenciones de matricularse cuando llegĂł por su cuenta a Carolina del Sur con 20 años. EntrĂł sin problema a la escuela secundaria R.B. Stall en el 2022. El campus estĂĄ a menos de ocho millas de la escuela que rechazĂł a Zacarias. 

Venegas, oriunda de Chile, tuvo que completar cuatro cursos de inglés en uno año, ademås de historia Americana y gobierno, para poder graduarse en Mayo del 2023. Fue un desafío enorme, dice ella

“Cuando vine aquĂ­, y escuchaba personas hablar en inglĂ©s, me pensaba ‘Por dios, esto es demasiado difĂ­cil,’” recordaba esta primavera en su apartamento en Ladson, a 20 millas al norte de Charleston. 

Pero hizo un cĂ­rculo de amigos en la escuela, incluyendo a muchos hispanoparlantes, cuyas vidas reflejaban la suya. Fue su apoyo lo que le diĂł la valentĂ­a para hablar inglĂ©s, aĂșn cuando cometĂ­a errores.  

“Ellos me ayudaron a sentirme bien sobre mi misma y a tener mĂĄs autoconfianza,” dice ella. 

Venegas, una aspirante a maestra de ESL que dijo que le encantan los niños y quiere ayudar a otros recién llegados, ganó una beca parcial para la Universidad del Sur de Charleston.

El año pasado completó cinco clases allí, incluyendo matemåticas y cultura Americana. Pero como muchos otros estudiantes en el país, enfrentados a los costos universitarios, se fio forzada a parar sus estudios en diciembre para poder generar ingresos para cubrir su matrícula.

Venegas ha trabajado en McDonald’s por mĂĄs de un año y medio, ganando $13 la hora. Espera poder retomar las clases este otoño, aunque no estĂĄ segura de cĂłmo las pagarĂĄ.

Independientemente de sus prĂłximos pasos, estĂĄ agradecida por su tiempo en la escuela secundaria: No hay manera, dijo, de que hubiera podido ir a la universidad sin eso.

Kharrel Medza, de 25 años, tenĂ­a 7 cuando se fue de CamerĂșn para ir a BĂ©lgica, y 17 cuando ingresĂł al noveno grado en los suburbios de Houston. Medza, que habla con fluidez francĂ©s y alemĂĄn y era equivalente a un estudiante de duodĂ©cimo grado en su paĂ­s, no sabĂ­a nada de inglĂ©s.

“Tuve que empezar desde cero,” dijo. “AsĂ­ que la mejor manera fue dar un paso atrĂĄs y obtener todas las bases necesarias. En ese momento estaba un poco frustrado. Pero no me tomĂł mucho tiempo entender lo que necesitaba para tener Ă©xito aquĂ­ en los EE. UU.”

La escuela secundaria fue crucial, incluso si era mucho mayor que sus compañeros, dijo.

“El comienzo fue lo mĂĄs difĂ­cil por la barrera del idioma,” dijo. “Pero estaba tan inmerso en el mundo del inglĂ©s, todo estaba en inglĂ©s: no tenĂ­a mĂĄs opciĂłn que averiguarlo. Finalmente, despuĂ©s de cinco o seis meses, me sentĂ­ cĂłmodo con la conversaciĂłn.”

Medza pasĂł tres años en la escuela secundaria antes de graduarse en 2019. Luego fue a la universidad, jugando fĂștbol D1 en la Universidad Gardner–Webb en Carolina del Norte antes de transferirse a Houston Christian College en Texas.

Después de haber estudiado finanzas, se graduó esta primavera y espera trabajar en negocios o banca.

Pero algunos estudiantes como Medza son impedidos de alcanzar tales logros, no se les permite ingresar a la escuela secundaria en absoluto, en parte debido a prejuicios específicos hacia los adolescentes mayores: que depredarån a sus compañeras mås jóvenes.

Medza rechazó la noción de que su enfoque estuviera en algo que no fuera lo académico. Sus estrictos padres tenían expectativas claras sobre lo que necesitaba lograr, al igual que él.

Medza dijo que “nunca podrĂĄ estar lo suficientemente agradecido” por la oportunidad que le brindĂł la escuela secundaria. La idea de que Ă©l u otros estudiantes puedan perder esa oportunidad debido a tales prejuicios le alarma.

“Negarle la educaciĂłn a alguien es un crimen,” dijo.

WASHINGTON — Twenty-six GOP-led states are suing the Biden administration over changes to Title IX aiming to from discrimination in schools.

Less than a month after the U.S. Department of Education released its final rule seeking to “based on sex stereotypes, sexual orientation, gender identity, and sex characteristics,” a wave of Republican attorneys general scrambled to challenge the measure.

The revised rule, which will go into effect on Aug. 1, requires schools “to take prompt and effective action when notified of conduct that reasonably may constitute sex discrimination in their education programs or activities.”

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The lawsuits hail from Alabama, Alaska, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia, West Virginia and Wyoming.

All of the attorneys general in the 26 states suing over the final rule are part of the Republicans Attorneys General Association.

Various advocacy groups and school boards have also tacked onto the states’ legal actions. The lawsuits carry similar language and arguments in vehemently opposing the final rule. They say the new regulations raise First Amendment concerns and accuse the rule of violating the .

LGBTQ+ advocates say the revised rule offers students a needed protection and complies with existing law.

“Our kids’ experience in schools should be about learning, about making friends and growing as a young person. LGBTQ+ students deserve those same opportunities,” Sarah Warbelow, vice president of legal at the LGBTQ+ advocacy group Human Rights Campaign, said in an emailed statement. “In bringing these lawsuits, these state attorneys general are attempting to rob LGBTQ+ students of their rights, illustrating a complete disregard for the humanity of LGBTQ+ students.”

GOP states band together against new regulations

In the most recent effort, sued the on Tuesday, accusing the Department of Education of seeking to “politicize our country’s educational system to conform to the radical ideological views of the Biden administration and its allies.”

The lawsuit claims that under the updated regulations, teachers, coaches and administrators would have to “acknowledge, affirm, and validate students’ ‘gender identities’ regardless of the speakers’ own religious beliefs on the matter in violation of the First Amendment.”

In another lawsuit, a group of Southern states —  — sued the administration in in Alabama over the new regulations.

Republican Alabama Attorney General Steve Marshall President Joe Biden “has brazenly attempted to use federal funding to force radical gender ideology onto states that reject it at the ballot box” since he took office.

“Now our schoolchildren are the target. The threat is that if Alabama’s public schools and universities do not conform, then the federal government will take away our funding,” Marshall said in a press release.

The lawsuit also drew praise from Republican Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, who said “Biden is abusing his constitutional authority to push an ideological agenda that harms women and girls and conflicts with the truth.” He added that the will “not comply” and instead “fight back against Biden’s harmful agenda.”

Individual states sue the administration

Meanwhile, some states have opted to file individual lawsuits against the administration.

In Texas, Republican Attorney General Ken Paxton sued the Biden administration late last month in in Amarillo. Paxton filed an amended complaint earlier this week, with two new added.

In an , Paxton said the Lone Star State “will not allow Joe Biden to rewrite Title IX at whim, destroying legal protections for women in furtherance of his radical obsession with gender ideology.”

Gentner Drummond against the Biden administration earlier this month in federal court in Oklahoma. The also filed a separate suit against the Biden administration.

A hodgepodge of states

In late April, Republican attorneys general in filed a lawsuit against the in federal court in Kentucky.

The states argued that the U.S. Education Department “has used rulemaking power to convert a law designed to equalize opportunities for both sexes into a far broader regime of its own making.”

also sued the Biden administration in late April, echoing the language seen in the other related lawsuits. Seventeen local in Louisiana also joined the states.

Earlier this month, also brought a collective to the final rule.

A spokesperson for the Education Department said the department does not comment on pending litigation but noted that “as a condition of receiving federal funds, all federally-funded schools are obligated to comply with these final regulations.” They added that the department looks forward “to working with school communities all across the country to ensure the Title IX guarantee of nondiscrimination in school is every student’s experience.”

The department has yet to finalize a separate rule that establishes new criteria for transgender athletes. So far, 24 states have passed laws that ban transgender students from partaking in sports that align with their gender identity, according to the

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. West Virginia Watch maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Leann Ray for questions: info@westvirginiawatch.com. Follow West Virginia Watch on and .

North Carolina’s adoption of the “Parents’ Bill of Rights” law has led to school-based policies and practices that discriminate against LGBTQ students, the Campaign for Southern Equality (CSE) alleges in a against the State Board of Education and the North Carolina Department of Public Instruction.

The complaint was filed with the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights and the U.S. Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division on Tuesday. It contends that the state’s public schools are “systematically marginalizing” LGBTQ students with the mandates included in Senate Bill 49. The law requires educators to alert parents if their child changes their name or pronoun at school. It also restricts instruction about gender identity and sexuality in K-4 classrooms.

“Under the leadership of the North Carolina State Board of Education and the Department of Public Instruction, local school districts are barring LGBTQ-affirming content, outing transgender students, erecting barriers to LGBTQ students receiving needed health care at school as well as support from educators and prohibiting transgender girls from playing athletics consistent with their gender identity,” CSE wrote in its complaint on behalf of LGBTQ students.

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The complaint is critical of Lt. Gov. Mark Robinson for making what CSE contends are “homophobic and transphobic” remarks. The complaint shares several Robinson quotes about homosexuality including in which he said: “There’s no reason anybody anywhere in America should be telling any child about transgenderism, homosexuality, any of that filth.”

CSE is also critical of State Superintendent Catherine Truitt for her support of SB 49 and House Bill 574, the so-called “Fairness in Women’s Sports Act,” which restricts transgender females from playing middle school, high school and college sports.

“While she [Truitt] avoids ranting about “filth,” she agrees with the Lieutenant Governor [Robinson] that transgender people do not really exist,” the complaint states. “ She consistently refers to transgender women as “biological males” and speaks consistently of “gender preference.”

CSE asked federal officials to protect students.

“SBE’s and DPI’s implementation of SB 49 and HB 574 is discriminating against LGBTQ students in North Carolina,” the complaint states. “This discrimination has created a hostile educational environment that harms LGBTQ students on a daily basis and, in so doing, violates Title IX.”

Educators have been left in an impossible position due to SB 49 mandates and a lack of guidance from the state education leaders about how to implement them, the complaint said.

“They [educators] must choose between, on the one hand, following state leaders’ orders or, on the other hand, federal and state legal obligations as well as their professional obligations to their students,” the complaint states.

NCDPI spokeswoman Blair Rhoades told NC Newsline in December that the department provided information about SB 49 to more than 350 participants via a webinar. Rhoades  the department has provide for guidance with the lengthy title: “Parents Guide to Student Achievement (PSGA) Considerations from NCDPI: Based on Parents’ Bill of Rights – SB49; Session Law 2023-106.”

Meanwhile, the complaint included dozens of testimonials from students, parents, educators and other who shared stories about how the mandates are harming students by forcing LGBTQ students back into the closet and preventing them from receiving supportive services.

One high school student reported: “I personally have a supportive family who has put my preferred name in PowerSchool, but my friends are no longer feeling safe going by their preferred name and pronouns because they’re afraid that they will be outed to their families who are not supportive. These friends are scared for their safety and well-being.”

Democratic critics of the law complained that the legislation would have a chilling effect on student and teacher relationships at a time when student mental health is a top concern. But Republican supporters said it grew out of parental concerns about school curriculum parents saw when children were learning from home during the pandemic.

Chapel Hill-Carrboro School member Mike Sharp said SB 49 needs more work.

“I think a logical next step then would be to send this back to the policy committee with a clear directive from us that says: take out the parts of this that are harmful to children, rewrite it, ignore whether you’re breaking SB 49,” Sharp said in testimonials shared by CSE.

Last week, Sharp’s board declined to create a procedure to alert parents before allowing a student to use a different name or pronoun at school. It also declined to prohibit instruction about gender identity and sexuality in K-4 classrooms.

Truitt said there could be consequences for not following the law.

“No. Sorry. You may not break the laws you don’t like – even in Chapel Hill. I worked with the legislature to pass the Parents Bill of Rights to protect children and empower parents and it’s unacceptable for Chapel Hill or anyone else to ignore it,” Truitt tweeted last week.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. NC Newsline maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Rob Schofield for questions: info@ncnewsline.com. Follow NC Newsline on and .

Legislation banning Virginia’s public colleges and universities from providing special treatment in admissions decisions to students related to alumni and donors is on track to head to Gov. Glenn Youngkin later this session.

On Tuesday, the Virginia House joined the Senate in passing on a unanimous vote. Both bills, which are identical, must now pass in the opposite chambers before they are sent to the governor for his approval.

Youngkin spokesman Christian Martinez has signaled the governor is likely to sign the measures.

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“The governor will review any legislation that comes to his desk, but believes admission to Virginia’s universities and colleges should be based on merit,” he said.

The proposed ban comes after the U.S. Supreme Court ended affirmative action at higher education institutions nationwide in June. Since the court’s ruling that race-conscious admissions policies at Harvard University and the University of North Carolina were unconstitutional, schools in the commonwealth have begun changing their admissions policies.

by think tank Education Reform Now found “most beneficiaries of legacy preferences are white.” It also identified Virginia as one of five states where a majority of public colleges and universities offer admissions advantages to the children of alumni.

“All that House Bill 48 says is that in considering admissions to college and our public universities here in the commonwealth of Virginia, whether your parents went there or whether your parents are donors to the institution will play no role in deciding who is accepted to the college,” said Del. Dan Helmer, D-Fairfax, who is carrying the House bill, during a subcommittee meeting earlier this month.

Both Democrats and Republicans have supported the change.

“I think it’s absolutely discriminatory to grant special privileges to people based on what their parents did, what they gave, where they went to college,” said Del. Thomas Garrett, R-Goochland, at the same meeting.

Garrett said he’s supporting the proposal to “address discrimination and create a level playing field for all Virginians.”

Last week, the Senate version of the , patroned by Sen. Schuyler VanValkenburg, D-Richmond, also passed with unanimous support.

Education Reform Now says more than 100 colleges and universities have ended legacy admissions since 2015, but 787 still used the practice as of 2020.

is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Sarah Vogelsong for questions: info@virginiamercury.com. Follow Virginia Mercury on and .

The national debate about issues in schools has come to the Midwest. In the wake of the passage of Florida’s so-called “” law, more than a dozen other states – including Missouri, , Tennessee and Ohio – have aimed at limiting how teachers discuss topics of gender identity or sexual orientation.

Based on my own experience, that of my collaborator Steven Gill, and our initial research, teachers in the Midwest are having experiences similar to those .

We have both faced invalidating, even scary, obstacles in our journeys as out queer educators, and we have seen our queer and trans students suffer as well.

Our stories

For me, being a faculty sponsor for the school’s gay-straight alliance student group was both heartwarming and heartbreaking. I started my career at an urban school serving a high-poverty population in Nebraska in 2001 and found that the school’s GSA membership was just a handful of students.

During my first year as a volunteer sponsor of the group, another teacher was invited by the official sponsor to one of our meetings and showed a video of people claiming to be “former gays.” He then pulled out a Bible and had a discussion with the students about how who they were was a sin. The official sponsor, a school counselor, smiled throughout and let him continue speaking.

I fought back tears of anger as I heard students say, “I know I’m going to hell, but I can’t control how I feel and I’ve tried not to be gay, but it’s impossible.” I was furious that this was allowed to happen in what was supposed to be a safe and affirming space in a public school where this type of proselytizing should not be allowed. I watched as all the confidence and self-esteem drained from the students.

When I became the official sponsor, I ensured that teacher would not be allowed back to speak to the group. Later, he told a lesbian teacher he was praying for her soul. Twenty-one years later, he is still at that school – in a leadership role.

By the time I left in 2011, students were out and proud as allies and as a part of the LGBTQ community. While I won for my work there, neither was acknowledged by my school.

I witnessed students being disowned when they came out while also being rejected by religious shelters. There were many suicide attempts and countless mental health crises, and grades would drop as a result of bullying and harassment by teens and adults.

I have always been out as a queer woman, and many students thanked me for that. But I was told that two other teachers called me a “dyke” in the staff lounge because I participated in the to support LGBTQ rights. Some students told me they were praying for my soul around the flagpole. A parent accused me of turning his child gay because they went home with a rainbow ribbon and he threatened to follow me home and show me “what a real man is.” The school had two visits by the infamously homophobic . Its members held signs across the street saying “God hates fags” and tried to distribute literature to our students as they left the school building.

My collaborator Steve Gill reports, “I’m a current middle and high school social studies teacher who is out as nonbinary, and queer, to my students, and my school system. When I was going through elementary, middle, and high school and college I had no out queer or nonbinary or transgender teachers, or any type of representation.

“This caused me feelings of isolation and loneliness, as I did not have close queer icons or representations to look up to.

“In adulthood, as a teacher, I firmly and confidently tell students ‘I am Coach Gill, I go by “Coach” because I am nonbinary. I am also Black and Queer.’ I choose to be out despite the discrimination I have faced, continue to face, and will face in the future. I choose to be out because .

“I want the people in my community to know that LGBTQ people exist in everyday jobs, not just as famous celebrities. I have students who come out to me because I am a safe space. I know of students who have been kicked out of their homes, misgendered, and they are mocked and ridiculed for being out at home.”

Our survey and what the preliminary results found

Our research shows that we are not alone. Many schools in the Midwest are places where queer and trans educators cannot thrive and do their jobs without fear or hesitation.

We posted a preliminary survey on social media, seeking teachers in the Midwestern states of Nebraska, Iowa and Minnesota. Out of the 45 educators who responded, 12 place their identities in the broad spectrum of LGBTQ community. But just four of them are out in their schools.

While our initial survey data is limited to these 45 respondents, the results are not surprising given our lived experiences and .

But our experiences and those of our survey participants are being lost as lawmakers restrict what , and . We plan to conduct more research to better understand how schools can participate in making the future more fair and just for everyone.

This article is republished from under a Creative Commons license. Read the

The Rand Corp. report shows this year has been especially tough on Latino teachers, with one in three reporting symptoms of depression, compared with one in four non-Latino teachers. Black teachers, however, were less likely to report stress on the job than White and Latino teachers, the researchers found.

“Repairing” teacher and principal well-being, they wrote, “is essential for pandemic recovery” and leaders shouldn’t view it as a short-term problem that will fade once COVID-related disruptions pass.

“Stress on the job can negatively affect educators’ physical health,” said Elizabeth Steiner, lead author of the report. “And poor well-being is linked with lower quality student learning.”

While most educators — about three-fourths — say they’re able to cope with the added pressures, the findings reinforce comments from teachers who say this school year has been the most grueling since the pandemic began. The Rand findings echo the results of a Gallup poll released this week and confirm earlier surveys suggesting sizable percentages of teachers want to leave the profession. The Rand survey shows about a third of educators report plans to quit — up from a quarter of teachers and 15% of principals in January 2021.

The findings point to multiple factors contributing to job dissatisfaction and intentions to leave. In addition to addressing learning loss, other pandemic-related stressors included taking on additional responsibilities because of staff shortages, harassment over COVID policies and balancing child care responsibilities.

But some sources of stress, such as racial discrimination, predate COVID. More than half of teachers said other staff members hold them to a different standard because of their race, and two-thirds of principals said they have faced online or in-person harassment from students’ families because of their race or ethnicity.

Staying ‘past the burnout stage’

The increase in teachers saying they want to leave doesn’t mean they will, nor does it predict “a major disruption in the workforce,” the authors wrote. But Colin Sharkey, executive director of the Association of American Educators, a nonunion group, said an exodus of teachers could be a “lagging indicator.”

​​”It will take time for educators to follow through on a decision that was likely made during this time period,” he said, adding that many educators might stay “past the burnout stage,” to the point that they’re “unrecoverable.”

The Rand findings are based on responses from 2,360 teachers and 1,540 principals, collected in January. The researchers compared the answers to those from a nationally representative sample of working adults. They also interviewed 60 teachers to better understand their experiences.

Roseangela Mendoza, a middle school social studies teacher at The Ethical Community Charter School in Jersey City, New Jersey, is among those who found the return to in-person learning particularly challenging.

“We were exhausted by October” of 2021, she said. “It’s been the worst stress that anybody has ever gone through.”

Teaching assistants have been covering classes when teachers are absent, leaving lead teachers without their usual support, Mendoza said, adding that students, who learned remotely for a year and a half have trouble staying focused and are always bouncing out of their seats to socialize or go to the bathroom.

“They will question you, ‘Why do I have to do this?’ ” she said. Parents also challenge her, asking that their children get extra time to complete work. “Tons of parents want to tell us what we have to do.”

But she says she still believes in the mission of her school, which she joined not long after it opened in 2009, and likes that she can be creative in planning curriculum. Her lessons include making tortillas and quilting.

“That flexibility is what keeps me here,” she said.

The report also points to conditions that make educators feel better about their jobs and less likely to leave, such as involvement in school decision-making, strong relationships with colleagues and access to mental health support.

Teachers and principals with access to at least one mental health program, such as a peer support group or counseling, were significantly less likely to say they were considering leaving their jobs, the survey found.

Many districts have been using federal relief funds to address students’ mental health needs, but some are expanding services for staff as well. The Moore Public Schools, near Oklahoma City, used a new state grant program to add eight positions for mental health professionals, including two employee assistance providers.

The district revamped an unused building into offices with private entrances where employees can see a therapist.

“I think it’s pretty rare,” said Kristi Hernandez, the district’s director of student services. “Most schools partner with outside providers.”

Teachers also just want to focus on teaching and spend less time on other responsibilities , such as meetings and bus duty, the Rand researchers found. And in their interviews with teachers, they heard that pay raises wouldn’t necessarily reduce the stress, but could convince teachers to stay in the field.

Principals listed staffing challenges as their greatest source of stress. But some feel the worst of the pandemic is finally behind them.

“A year ago we were doing temperature checks. We were doing masks,” said Adam Lane, principal at Haines City High School in central Florida, south of Orlando. “The past two and a half years were the most challenging thing we’ve ever had to deal with.”

He said he just attended a statewide administrators conference, where the mood had noticeably lifted.

“We were laughing, drinking, collaborating,” he said. “Even though it was stressful, it was so rewarding to make it through.”

Donning child-sized toques — the tall, white, pleated hats worn by chefs — Winter, 9, DeVonte, 8, and Stormy, 7, took charge of the kitchen, perfecting their knife skills by slicing bell peppers and stirring the roux until it reached a golden brown.

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By the end of the course, they’d made traditional Southern greens, black-eyed peas, smothered chicken and other dishes that trace back to African culture. “They’re already talking about making the cornbread for Thanksgiving,” said Foster.

The culinary-themed Black history lesson, called Soul Food Summer Camp, was a local twist on one of the popular courses available from Reconstruction — an online enrichment platform celebrating Black Americans’ contributions and heritage.

In a year when classroom discussions about race and discrimination have bitterly divided school boards and statehouses, topics such as the essential role of corn in the diet of Black slaves may seem conspicuously noncontroversial. But fostering Black children’s “positive identity development” in the way Hebrew and Chinese schools do for children in other communities is exactly what Kaya Henderson had in mind when she launched Reconstruction a year ago. As former chancellor of the District of Columbia Public Schools, she wants to counter a narrative that Black families don’t value education.

Roughly 15,000 students are expected to sign up this fall for Reconstruction, a for-profit company that delivers live enrichment classes on Black history and culture over Zoom to students across the country. Black parents browsing its offerings find courses “unapologetically” designed for them and their children. “Shorties” (4- to 11-year-olds), “Youngins” (12- to 14-year-olds) and “Gen Z” youth cover Black entrepreneurship and cultural knowledge. Students can design apps for nonprofits working to support the Black community or study speeches and sermons of famous Black orators. Parents began asking for their own courses, so there’s a Read and Rap Book Club for “grown folks.”

Henderson’s decision to market directly to families and nonprofit organizations has allowed Reconstruction to bypass school district politics.

“I didn’t want to be at the whim of state legislators,” said Henderson, who credits the program’s more celebratory approach to Black history for keeping it under the radar. “We’re not out here talking about white people being awful. We’re giving young people positive examples, and that keeps us a little bit out of the fray.”

But that doesn’t mean the curriculum ignores America’s painful racial history. For example, several courses include lessons on the once-thriving commercial district in Tulsa, Oklahoma, known as Black Wall Street, and the 1921 massacre in which a white mob attacked residents, homes and businesses there.

‘A place of belonging’

The mission to give students a more comprehensive story begins with the program’s name: Reconstruction, the period following the Civil War when Confederate states rejoined the Union and former slaves got their first taste of freedom. It’s “a lesser known part of American history when African Americans were thriving politically, economically, educationally,” Henderson said. “We wanted to challenge folks who don’t know that part of our history to explore it. And we wanted to remind our students that they come from a rich tradition of Black excellence in America that they have a responsibility to uphold.”

A former Teach for America executive director in D.C., Henderson served under former Chancellor Michelle Rhee, who was for closing low-performing schools and instituting a tough teacher evaluation system. With mayoral control of schools, Henderson continued those reforms during her some critics argued her strategies didn’t do enough to close racial achievement gaps. after she resigned, the city’s Board of Ethics and Government Accountability her for granting the requests of colleagues to place their children in preferred schools rather than submitting them to the district’s competitive lottery system.

When it came to designing Reconstruction, her experience helming the 51,000 student district was instructional. It helped fuel a desire to sidestep a K-12 bureaucracy that hasn’t always done right by African-Americans.

Black students, she said, often have negative experiences in school, and Henderson wanted Reconstruction to be “a place of belonging, joy and love.” She also didn’t want to conform to 50 different sets of state standards — particularly in light of on lessons or materials that could make students feel uncomfortable or guilty because of their race or gender. Reconstruction launched about five months before states began considering legislation to outlaw so-called critical race theory — a loose umbrella of topics from Black history to culturally responsive teaching.

Reconstruction courses have no more than 10 students, and there aren’t any end-of-course tests. That doesn’t mean the lessons go easy on academics, Henderson said. The reading and math courses can add up to a full year’s curriculum.

“To me, the rigor is paramount, but I’m not trying to replace school,” said Henderson.

Reconstruction’s business model also gives Henderson control over who she hires as “reconstructors”— the team of young educators who teach the courses.

“There have been enough hot mic episodes over the years to show that everyone who’s teaching children doesn’t always believe in Black children,” Henderson said.

In March, for instance, a resigned after making comments on a Zoom call about Black parents teaching their children to make excuses for their behavior. A mother recorded the teacher, who was apparently unaware the call was ongoing.

Henderson and co-founder Roland Fryer, a Harvard economics professor, initially discussed whether Reconstruction should be a school curriculum or offered outside the traditional system. Fryer, Henderson said, leaned toward integrating the concept into schools.

“I don’t want [children] to be taught that there’s slavery, Jim Crow and then you. I want for the history to be full and for them to be empowered,” Fryer said during a recent two-part interview on the Ian Rowe, a fellow at the conservative American Enterprise Institute.

Those episodes aired the same week that Fryer at Harvard after completing a two-year probation and training on “appropriate boundaries.” In 2019, the university placed him on administrative leave after an investigation showed he had violated sexual harassment policies and engaged in “unwelcome” conduct, such as talking about sex and telling sexual jokes in the Education Innovation Lab he ran. He denied accusations of harassment and retaliation, but later apologized in into whether Fryer retaliated against an accuser closed when a female employee withdrew her complaint.

The university shut down the lab, where Fryer — who, at 30, became the youngest Black professor to earn tenure at Harvard — led notable research on the effectiveness of charter schools and racial disparities in education and policing.

As he faced disciplinary action at Harvard, Fryer co-founded Equal Opportunity Ventures in 2019 to support Reconstruction and other startups that focus on closing racial disparities and expanding economic opportunity. He serves as chair of Reconstruction’s board of directors, but Henderson said he is not involved in daily operations. She added that she’s never received any questions or concerns from parents or organizations about his involvement.

In an email to ĂÛÌÒÓ°ÊÓ, Fryer declined to comment on the probation or his work developing Reconstruction during that time. But he said, “I am delighted to be back teaching at Harvard, and currently have a class of nearly 200 students eager to learn about how companies like Reconstruction can both change the world around us and be a sustainable business.”

‘Culturally relevant perspectives’

That business model is primarily aimed at parents, who pay $100 for each 10-session course. But nonprofits, such as the Grable Foundation in Pittsburgh, are making the program available to students for free.

The traditional education system has also taken notice.

In the Baltimore City Public Schools last year, 140 students from 17 schools took an afterschool program featuring Reconstruction’s course on the movement of Africans into the Americas and the Caribbean during the slave trade.

David Anderson, a junior in an advanced STEM program at Baltimore Polytechnic Institute, said he learned about Manhattan’s Seneca Village, a pre-Civil War African American settlement that got pushed out to develop Central Park. The life of abolitionist Sojourner Truth also stuck with him.

“She was more under the radar than Harriet Tubman, but her job was just as important,” Anderson said.

David’s mother, Annette Campbell Anderson, an educator and professor at Johns Hopkins University, was initially skeptical about the program, having been underwhelmed by the district’s previous afterschool offerings. But she was impressed by her son’s commitment to the course.

“I found myself needing to change our family dinner schedule on Tuesdays when he had class because he refused to leave the sessions early,” she said. “And if I served dinner early, he raced upstairs to be on time — for a Zoom session.”

Reconstruction has won praise from those on opposite sides of the debate over critical race theory.

Sharif El-Mekki, CEO of the Center for Black Educator Development, said it’s important for Black children to have a space designed for them, even if it’s virtual.

“Out-of-school-time has always been one of the most-effective and least invested-in levers for achievement for Black children,” said El-Mekki, whose daughters, Zaynab and Zakiyyah, participated in Reconstruction’s pilot and then took the cooking class.

The program provides Black children with a “holistic, centering and respectful curriculum,” he said, adding that students who participate in the program could become “powerful advocates” for more culturally responsive teaching in their own schools.

Like other Black educators, El-Mekki has said the debates over critical race theory misrepresent what schools actually teach students but also ignore the persistent educational inequalities affecting Black and Hispanic students.

At a time when some states, such as California, Connecticut and , are expanding ethnic studies in the curriculum, he thinks Reconstruction is one way to re-engage Black students and others “that have been perpetually let down by the educational ecosystem.”

‘All kids of all races’

At the National Charter School Conference in June, El-Mekki and Rowe, from the American Enterprise Institute, strongly disagreed about the furor over critical race theory, but joined in their praise for Henderson’s program.

In a “shout-out” for Reconstruction, Rowe said: “I think it’s good that we’re having more discussions about what should be the complete [story] — warts and all, oppression and resilience — that we’re teaching all kids of all races about what has transpired with African Americans in the United States.”

The process isn’t always easy. White parents are among Reconstruction’s customers, Henderson said, but some have requested that their child not be the only non-Black student in a class. Others have even asked for all-white classes, a request that would have raised the spectre of segregation in the public school world she left behind.

Those requests don’t bother her.

Though there hasn’t yet been enough demand for an all-white class, Henderson said she’d “absolutely consider it.” Some parents tell her their kids don’t have a lot of experience interacting with Black children and worry they might say the wrong thing. The goal, she said, is to get the message out to as wide an audience as possible.

“This stuff is hard and we’re all going to make mistakes,” she said. “We are designed for and by African Americans, but we need everyone to learn this history.”

Lead Image: Winter Herbert (L-R), Stormy Foster and DeVonte Foster prepare a meal as part of Soul Food Summer Camp, a week-long virtual cooking course for Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, students participating in Reconstruction. (Catapult Greater Pittsburgh)