Kate Gould said the classroom became a dangerous place for her son after took over the Douglas County school board and the district removed masking requirements.

After a prolonged back-and-forth, involving a pulmonologist and a special education attorney, district leaders finally agreed to an accommodation for his classroom, mandating masks. But mere weeks later, the superintendent was fired and, under new leadership, the district again removed the masking accommodation without consulting doctors or Gould, she told ����Ӱ�� in a recent interview. 

Now, almost four years later, Gould and her family live in Southern California — where they moved during the pandemic for its masking and eventual COVID vaccine requirements — and they and other parents, advocates and health experts are gearing up for what could be the next front of the school culture wars: a broader attack on school vaccine mandates by the incoming Trump administration.

Currently, all 50 states have vaccine requirements for children entering child care and schools. But with Robert F. Kennedy Jr. — who has peddled baseless conspiracy theories and “There’s no vaccine that is safe and effective” — potentially at the helm of the Department of Health and Human Services, advocates and parents are right to fear a rollback of requirements, enforcements and funding, according to interviews with about a dozen experts. 

“The anti-vax warriors have made it inside the castle walls,” said Richard Hughes, a George Washington University law professor who teaches a course on vaccine law.

Kennedy’s legitimization and the different levers he could pull, experts told ����Ӱ��, could have an immense impact on vaccination rates and the spread of preventable, contagious diseases in school-aged kids.

If confirmed by the Senate, Kennedy would take control of an agency with a budget and 90,000 employees spread across 13 agencies, including the and the . Dave Weldon, nominated by President-elect Donald Trump to head the CDC, has also endorsed debunked theories, and some chronic diseases.

Kennedy, whose nomination faces from health professionals and scientists and questioning by , did not respond to requests for comment. He has said he would not take away vaccines but look to make more of their safety and efficacy data available. 

“We don’t know what he’s going to do,” John Swartzberg, a professor at the University of California Berkeley’s School of Public Health told ����Ӱ��. “But if he tries to carry out the things that he’s publicly stated — not just recently but over a long, long time — then the implications for our children in school are dire.”

While most school vaccine requirements come from states, the recommendations they’re based on begin with federal agencies, such as the CDC, and enforcement is often left up to local districts. This leaves room for both federal influence and “a hodgepodge of enforcement,” said Northe Saunders, executive director of the pro-vaccine , who sees battles around school vaccination mandates playing out at the federal, state and school board levels.

Experts agreed the federal government is highly unlikely to attempt to take vaccines off the market or categorically ban mandates, and most don’t anticipate individual states will do away with their long-standing requirements.

But James Hodge, a public health law expert at Arizona State University’s Sandra Day O’Connor College of Law, pointed out, “You don’t actually have to pull the vaccine for people to stop using it. You have to raise doubts about it.”

That can happen by planting seeds of misinformation, he said, or by starting to require that vaccines be assessed differently for approval or federal funding. Any slight dropoff in parents vaccinating their kids entering schools or day care can result in disease outbreaks, an outcome Hodge said he expects to see over the next year or so. Such declines are

As secretary, Kennedy could delay FDA vaccine development and influence the selection of CDC advisory committee members who make the vaccine recommendations that states then use to determine their requirements. Programs that provide free vaccines for kids could also see their funding cut.

“There’s short-term threats in terms of funding and what’s going to be available for state immunization programs,” Saunders said, “[and then] there’s long-term threats about immunization policy and what the future of the immunization landscape in the country can hold.”

Even in Democratically controlled California, Gould, the mom whose son has cystic fibrosis, said she’s concerned about shifts in vaccine rhetoric, particularly at the school board level. 

“I think what I have learned from my experience in Douglas County, Colorado, is that when these individuals take over majorities on school boards, it really affects everyone … Despite the fact that we are a highly educated, very liberal, coastal section of Southern California, you definitely have people that are trying to make inroads — and these are people who are anti-science.”

Are vaccines the new critical race theory?

Parents across the country are able to apply for exemptions if their child is unable to get vaccinated for medical reasons. Most states also have religious exemptions, and 20 have some form of personal , leaving a varied landscape. 

School vaccine mandates have been around for , and while some pushback has always existed, it wasn’t until COVID that there was a real spike in vaccine hesitancy, according to Kate King, president of the and a school nurse in Ohio.

The source of the skepticism has shifted, too: “Rarely have we seen the federal government behind those debates in a way that this next administration could be,” said ASU’s Hodge.

Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers, sees the potential “unraveling of decades and generations of protective vaccines.”

“RFK believes he knows more than the totality of any science that has come before him,” she said. 

For a vaccine to get approved, it must first go through an advisory committee at the FDA. Another committee at the CDC then develops recommendations for vaccine schedules, which state legislators rely on to determine their school policies. Kennedy would have an enormous impact on who serves on these committees, and he could stack them with anti-vaccine advocates.

Kennedy could also request a review of all vaccines that have been previously approved by the FDA and subject them to new requirements. 

Many vaccines are paid for by the federal government. If Congress — under HHS’s direction or on their own — were to begin pulling that money, some of the most vulnerable children across the country could lose access to immunization. Trump has threatened to requiring vaccines for students. 

“The moment you start tacking on any price tag to a vaccination — any price tag whatsoever, even fairly minimal — you do see vaccination rates go down,” said Hodge.

Beyond policy actions, experts warned of the power of rhetoric. “We still rely — even under legal mandates that exist at the state level — on public acceptance of vaccines,” Hodge added, so for vaccine rates to remain high, so too must the public trust. The mere presence of a federal official who is skeptical and — at times outright hostile — towards vaccines gives the opposition more credibility.

Since the enforcement of these policies is typically left up to the district level, some advocates are anticipating increased pressure on school board members to take anti-vaccine positions. 

“The real tension is if a school board decides that they don’t want to support these [vaccine mandate] policies,” said Hughes, the GW law professor. “They can’t change the policies, but they might say, ‘We don’t support these policies. Not in our school district. No way, no how.’”

He said he’s already seen some groups use vaccines as a wedge issue, much like the debate over critical race theory — an academic framework used to examine systematic racism — that convulsed school boards a few years ago.

In , public health workers were recently forbidden from promoting COVID, flu and mpox — previously known as monkeypox — shots, according to a recent NPR investigation. And a regional public health department in Idaho is no longer providing COVID vaccines to residents in six counties after a by its board. 

There’s money in anti-vax anxiety

The anti-vaccination movement is not new. It can be traced back as far as the 18th century with Edward Jenner’s discovery of the smallpox vaccine. Because it was made from cowpox, people at the time were afraid that if they got the vaccine, they’d turn into a cow, said Swartzberg, the public health professor who has taught a course on the anti-vax movement for over a decade. 

“There’s always been opposition to vaccination because it’s the idea of the word inoculate, — meaning putting into you something foreign — and that scares people,” Swartzberg said. “I understand that. That’s where emotion has to be countered with data.” 

The group of people so stringently anti-vaccination that they refuse them is small but vocal, he said. Over the past few years, though, “something has dramatically changed in our society,” and the voices behind the movement have shifted from expressing personal fears to looking to monetize the fears of others. 

For example, Joseph Mercola, deemed one of the — the 12 people responsible for sharing the majority of anti-vax messaging on social media — made substantial sums of money by peddling far-fetched health claims and then as alternative treatments. Kennedy also appeared on the “Disinformation Dozen” list.

Others sell merchandise, books and tickets to events, offer exclusive paid content on platforms like Patreon, have sponsored content and display affiliate marketing links to anti-vaccine products.

“It’s turned into an incredibly lucrative field for anti-vaxxers, and what’s really facilitated this has been the internet and the lack of any monitoring of the internet for misinformation and disinformation,” Swartzberg said.

Just last week, Meta, the owner of Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp, d that it will end its fact-checking program on social media posts. 

Using social media and other mechanisms, the anti-vax movement has targeted fairly insular groups around the United States with misinformation, he added. These include New York’s and the y in Minnesota, both of which have seen recent measles outbreaks. 

While the image of vaccine skeptical parents is often one of young, white “,” Keri Rodrigues, president of the National Parents Union, also pointed to “well-earned” trepidation among Black and Latino parents. 

Historically, she noted, significant harm has been done to Black communities through the weaponization of medical trials, and families of color have had particularly negative experiences with the health care system —

During the pandemic, Children’s Health Defense, Kennedy’s anti-vaccine advocacy organization, seemed to tap into this distrust when it put out targeting Black Americans with disproven vaccine claims. 

Gould, the California mom, said if she were still living in more conservative Douglas County she’d fear that people would “believe the disinformation [and] stop vaccinating their children. For kids with chronic illnesses — or like my son, a life-limiting illness — that has massive consequences. It has life-or-death consequences.”

Corey Wise, in his claim, said his support for the district’s equity policy, minority and LGBTQ+ students and COVID mask mandates made him a target of four newly elected conservative board members who pushed him out in February.

His replacement, Erin Kane, former head of a 3,000-student local charter school network, was hired in March in a , with the backing of the same four members who ousted Wise.

It was not her first time in the position: Kane served as Douglas County’s interim superintendent between 2016 and 2018. She was not hired for the post because she did not meet qualifications: She lacked a master’s degree at the time and was not among the finalists, district officials told ����Ӱ��. 

Kane, who has lived in the county for more than two decades and raised her three children there, spent her first weeks in office meeting with school and community leaders, trying to build trust in a district that has been deeply divided over mask mandates and moves toward equity and inclusion — so-called “culture war” issues that are roiling school systems around the country.

“I recognize that our community is still facing conflict and division,” she said in a statement on the district’s website. “However, as I listen carefully to what everyone is saying, I truly believe that we are much closer together than we think.”

The superintendent has turned her attention to securing funding for teacher raises — similar efforts have been underway for years — and bonds for new construction and building maintenance. Her wealthy, mostly white district, the third-largest in the state, serves some 64,000 students. 

Critics lament the speed at which Kane was chosen. Wise, in his complaint, alleges she was a predetermined pick, that she accidentally sent him a text message regarding the position before he was terminated and just minutes after two new board members urged him to resign.

The board’s conservative slate has “expressed no contrition or sorrow for ruining Mr. Wise’s career, dragging his reputation through the mud, or sacrificing his well being to the altar of their biased agendas,” his complaint states.

Wise, whose base salary was $247,500, had worked for Douglas County schools in various capacities for 26 years. The district was obligated to pay him for 12 more months and gave him a lump sum in February. Kane was hired at $250,000 with her contract ending June 30, 2026. 

“In my first four weeks, I have met one-on-one with nearly 100 district and school leaders, visited 30 schools, spoken to hundreds of teachers and staff, and engaged with board committees and community groups,” she wrote in an email to ����Ӱ��. “I am very committed to community outreach around district funding and our challenges, including teacher pay and facilities. Taking care of the amazing teachers and staff who care for our children will always be a priority for me. I am confident that together, in partnership with our parents and community, we can maximize the opportunities we provide for our students’ futures.”

None of the four board members who ousted Wise have returned numerous requests for interviews. Their decision led to a massive student walk-out and the day before their vote, 1,500 district employees staged a sickout. That prompted an attorney and father living in the district to ask that the names of all participating teachers be made public. The request was rescinded, but not before a local news agency asked the district to identify the person who made the query. That information was released last week: Michael P. Kane, a partner with Dan Caplis Law and who is not related to the new superintendent, was behind the request. Caplis is a prominent conservative radio host.

Wise and his supporters say the board met unlawfully and in secret to plot his ouster. Community member and attorney Robert Marshall , saying they discussed Wise’s employment outside a formal board session in violation of the state’s open meeting laws. 

The suit is making its way through district court: Judge Jeffrey K. Holmes, who March 9 to prevent the four board members from violating open meetings laws, said evidence indicates they “collectively committed, outside of public meetings, to the termination of Wise’s employment.” 

The district’s motion for the lawsuit to be dismissed was . 

Marshall said the board has continued to operate unethically.

“The hiring of the new superintendent was a farce,” he said. “Several community members begged the new board members to simply tell everyone they wanted Erin Kane and hire her because that was what they were going to do anyway. Instead, they went through a charade of a search and said they would consider public comment.”

Marshall said he and many other community members wanted another candidate, finalist Danny Winsor, who had worked in the district for years, from coach to teacher to administrator. 

Marshall said the board continues to keep the community on edge by calling numerous last-minute special sessions: They’ve called eight so far in 2022, far more than average, according to board member David Ray. The majority have focused on the superintendent search process and job description. Others have been devoted to Marshall’s lawsuit. 

Ray, who opposed Wise’s firing and Kane’s hiring, laments the meetings, which have mostly been called by board President Mike Peterson.

“It circumvents our public being able to participate,” Ray said. “When the public doesn’t get that notice in advance, they are at a disadvantage. Special meetings are not best practice and should only be used for things of an urgent nature. We challenged Peterson on a number of occasions about why they could not be pushed into regular board meeting agendas … but he was not willing to push out the timeline.”

Some critics of the board majority say they are considering a recall, but none have started the process in earnest. Still, others say the board and the district are on a solid path.

“I am happy with the direction they are going,” said parent Christa Gilstrap. “Kane is a fabulous choice. She can bring unity and calm things down in the district.”

Gilstrap, a recruiter by profession, believes Kane is qualified even though she does not have a master’s degree in education as was initially required by the district. Instead, she has a master’s in public administration. 

Regardless of her academic credentials, Gilstrap said, Kane is a proven leader, having run her K-8 charter school, , for seven years. 

“We need someone who has those skills,” Gilstrap said. “Her reputation from her charter is untarnished: She had countless employees come and speak in her favor.”

But long-time resident Julie Gooden, who has two children in the district, believes it is in chaos because of the newly elected board members. 

“I feel like Mike Peterson is campaigning and I’d like him to stop,” Gooden said. “He says things that are alarming. He vilifies teachers and our staff.”

The animosity has spread to the greater community. Teachers union President Kevin DiPasquale said morale remains low weeks after teachers on three campuses found fliers on their cars admonishing them: “Most Teachers Are Good and We Appreciate Them!” it read. “You are Bad! Get Out and Leave!”

DiPasquale said teachers worry the board is not focused on education but on addressing numerous lawsuits. And, he said, they remain uncertain about wage increases: Douglas County teachers and staff are the lowest paid among Colorado’s other large, metro area districts, such as Jefferson County and Littleton, the union head said.  

“Erin is making an attempt to be visible,” DiPasquale said of the new superintendent. “But there hasn’t been any work by the board or the school superintendent toward supporting public education.”

Right now, he said, there are more than 600 open positions in his school district: The next closest district has 300, and it’s far bigger. 

Ray, who has served on the board for nearly seven years, said he’s had a positive working relationship with Kane in the past, but wishes she had stronger credentials.  

Critics charge, too, that Kane is aligned with right-wing groups and that she supports arming teachers, a point she clarified in an email to ����Ӱ��. She said she does not support arming staff within her district, except for school resource officers or official security personnel.

“We have great relationships with our law enforcement partners and they are only a few minutes away,” she said, but, “I also do not support taking that right away from schools or districts in different circumstances that may be far away from law enforcement and without SROs. Again, this is not the case in Douglas County.”