Notable Trump surrogates Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy, each promised seats on a proposed commission to eliminate government waste, the idea, while Sen. Mike Rounds of South Dakota to initiate a shutdown process before the new Congress was even seated.

Those moves are the first rumblings of a struggle that could last well into Trump鈥檚 second term, and possibly beyond. The drive to abolish the department hasn鈥檛 been this salient, or plausible, . Yet any effort to meaningfully reduce Washington鈥檚 role in funding and regulating America鈥檚 schools would face a swell of resistance, as transformative changes in politics . Several experts agreed that the combination of political and administrative hurdles is likely to prove so intractable that a more incremental approach, possibly focused on slashing the department鈥檚 workforce, may prevail instead.

Whatever course the administration adopts will, at least in part, depend upon the outlook of Linda McMahon, the president-elect鈥檚 nominee to serve as education secretary. Despite previously serving in the first Trump administration and leading the conservative America First Policy Institute, McMahon鈥檚 own views on K鈥�12 schools remain mostly opaque. In a statement announcing her nomination, that she would be charged with sending education governance 鈥渂ack to the states.鈥�

David Houston, a professor of education at George Mason University, said that Republicans had good reason to be cautious about taking decisive action against an entity whose functions 鈥� which largely consist of subsidies to both K鈥�12 and higher education, as well as civil rights enforcement and data collection 鈥� are little understood outside the capital.

鈥淧eople generally don’t have a precise understanding of what exactly the U.S. Department of Education does, but saying you鈥檒l get rid of it reads generically as being anti-education,鈥� he said. 鈥淭hat strikes me as a very heavy albatross to hang around your neck come the midterms.”

Public opinion research appears to support Houston鈥檚 skepticism. When the polling organization YouGov in July asking voters their views on assorted proposals from the controversial Project 2025 policy document for Trump鈥檚 second term, respondents rejected the notion of unwinding the Department of Education by a 63-26 margin; their numbers were much smaller than those who said they would favor a ban on pornography or returning to the use of the gold standard. (In response to its unpopularity, Trump鈥檚 campaign Project 2025 at arm鈥檚 length.)

Still, perceptions of any government office can be moved. A showed that the percentage of Americans who viewed the department positively had fallen from 53 percent in 2018 to just 45 percent this summer, with 46 percent holding a negative view; in all, it was tied with the Justice Department as the second-least-popular federal agency polled, behind only the IRS. Meanwhile, a majority of respondents polled by CBS News about what Trump would do as president.

Chris Edwards, a tax and budget analyst at the libertarian Cato Institute who maintains of plans to shrink virtually every government department and major expenditure, said the Education Department stood out as a particularly viable target.

鈥淚t has only been around for 40 years, so people walking around today remember when there wasn’t one,鈥� he said. 鈥淭he patron saint of the Republican Party, Ronald Reagan, promised to eliminate it years ago. So if any agency is vulnerable to substantial cuts, I’d say it’s the one.” 鈥嬧��

鈥楢 decline in trust鈥�

In all likelihood, the department will be one of several facing some level of belt-tightening. Musk has said he wants to reduce government spending by , a figure that raised eyebrows inside of Washington and out. But regardless of whether succeeds in making a real dent in the budget, voters have indicated in recent years that they want to on a .

Martin West, an economist at the Harvard Graduate School of Education, agreed that Pew鈥檚 long-running surveys revealed that the Department of Education sat on the 鈥渓ow end of support鈥� among government bureaus. But drops in support over the last half-decade have occurred across the board, affecting even well-liked offices like the and the Centers for Disease Control. The swoon reflects an electorate that the country is on the wrong track, he added. 

鈥淭here’s been a decline in trust in large institutions generally, and I would interpret that change as a broader phenomenon rather than anything specific to education,鈥� said West. 鈥淏ut it does shift the lay of the land.鈥�

It鈥檚 impossible to say, however, where the ground will settle 鈥� particularly when any ambitious initiative led by Trump will very likely disturb it further. 

Political science research has long suggested that the political views of Americans tend to , moving in the opposite direction of the party in power. Hence, voters became more welcoming of immigration after Trump was first elected in 2016, after he was succeeded by Joe Biden. 

Similar patterns play out with respect to education. A study co-authored by Houston found that U.S. presidents every time they take a highly publicized stand on issues like standardized testing or school vouchers. Though few voters hold strong opinions on such questions, they quickly take cues based on their appraisal of the president; only in cases when the president鈥檚 position cut against the traditional views associated with his party 鈥� such as Barack Obama鈥檚 support for and 鈥� did his endorsement drive support for a given policy.

If Trump launches a substantive attack on the K鈥�12 bureaucracy, 鈥淚 would expect Republican support for eliminating the Department of Education to shoot through the roof, and Democratic opposition to do the same,鈥� Houston predicted. 鈥淚t’s an obviously polarizing dynamic because Trump is laying out a position that has always historically fallen within the Republican camp.”

鈥楨nough juice鈥�

The idea of abolishing the department already splits voters deeply. According to from earlier this year, 53 percent of Republicans were open to the proposal, compared with 28 percent of independents and just 8 percent of Democrats. 

The divide would probably open even wider if Republicans in Congress chose the simplest means of abolition and simply voted the agency out of existence. But that course, while direct, is uncertain: It would rely on the Senate majority鈥檚 ability to summon 60 votes in favor to overcome a sure Democratic filibuster. Most observers believe that to be an insurmountable obstacle. 

By contrast, a more plodding approach could be more achievable, while potentially veering further from the risk of publicity and voter outrage. A combination of legislation 鈥� permitted through the reconciliation process, which allows budgetary bills to pass with only 51 votes 鈥� and executive action could be used to distribute the department鈥檚 various responsibilities and resources to other cabinet offices. A future administration might, for example, see the Department of Justice deciding Title IX claims and the Department of the Interior presiding over schools on American Indian territory. 

Cato鈥檚 Edwards analogized the opportunity before Trump to the brief period in the 1990s when President Bill Clinton teamed with the GOP to . But that dramatic stroke, he argued, came only after the public discourse around cash benefits had played out in both parties. While the Republican Party first vowed to eliminate federal interventions in schools over 40 years ago, its plans have yet to make headway with the broader public. 

鈥淚t’s doable, but the president has got to make the argument for it,鈥� Edwards said. 鈥淲elfare reform happened in 1996 because conservatives and even centrists spent over a decade making a case about why traditional welfare was harmful and in need of reform. Whether Trump is up for doing something like that, we don’t know.”

Kevin Kosar, a senior fellow at the right-leaning American Enterprise Institute who focuses on Congress and the federal bureaucracy, noted that government programs, once introduced, tend to be sticky. Even if big-ticket items like Title I aid for high-poverty schools and IDEA grants for students with special needs are devolved to states, or elsewhere within the federal government, it won鈥檛 necessarily diminish the prominence of government in K鈥�12 schooling.

鈥淕o ahead, abolish the Department of Education,鈥� Kosar said. 鈥淏ut if you scatter all of its programs to other departments, you’ve gotten rid of 4,100 people, and you have to hire people in other departments to process those grants and aid applications anyway. So how much juice are you getting from that?”

President-elect Donald Trump hasn鈥檛 yet laid out a detailed plan for his administration鈥檚 education policy. But a review of his first term and his , as well as the details contained in the 2025 Presidential Transition Project, gives some indication of what might be coming in New York.

Trump, who has that the US last in education, has repeatedly vowed to eliminate the US Department of Education. 鈥淚鈥檓 dying to get back to do this,鈥� in September. Whether he succeeds will depend on whether he has congressional support.

Late Tuesday, Trump his pick for Secretary of Education: Linda McMahon, who oversaw the Small Business Administration during Trump鈥檚 first term and co-founded the WWE wrestling empire.

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McMahon is the chair of the America First Policy Institute, which has assisted Trump鈥檚 transition team. The think tank鈥檚 policy proposals for education center on school choice, allowing parents to evaluate curriculum materials, teaching life skills like financial and digital literacy, and prohibiting the teaching of Critical Race Theory

While education advocates wait for Trump to take office, they are bracing for changes in how public education is administered.

鈥淲e don鈥檛 know yet what will happen,鈥� said Randi Levine, the policy director of Advocates for Children of New York, 鈥渂ut many of the policy proposals raised would be devastating for the students we serve.鈥�

Cuts to federal school funding

Regardless of whether the Department of Education closes, Trump can seek to limit federal aid to schools 鈥� something he repeatedly tried to do during his first term.

His administration proposed a number of cuts to the education budget, including appropriations for , which to help states and districts pay for teacher development and reduce class size; , which administers postsecondary federal student aid; and funding for and summer programs for low-income students. Congress these cuts.

This time, Trump鈥檚 allies have had more time to lay the groundwork for their proposals. The nearly 900-page , published by the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank, lays out ideas for downsizing and reshaping federal agencies 鈥� including the elimination of the Education Department. While Trump has sought to distance himself from the playbook, at least 140 people who worked within his first administration were involved in the project,

The Heritage Foundation that budget cuts would help transition control over education back to states and localities.

The federal government also pays for about 10 percent of the US Special Olympics budget, which the first Trump administration . Former Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos defended that move to , .

Michael Rebell, the executive director of the Center for Educational Equity, said he is skeptical that Congress will agree to shutter the Department of Education, since the agency is federally mandated to distribute funding to low-income schools and students with disabilities.

鈥淭hat鈥檚 easier said than done on the campaign trail, and whether Congress is going to go along with that is another question,鈥� Rebell said.

The proposed federal cuts are coming just as New York begins to , the formula used to distribute most state funding to public schools. Federal budget cuts would increase pressure on the state and local school districts to make up for any shortfalls.

Compared to the the state spends on school aid, federal funds account for a much smaller amount 鈥� $8.6 billion during the 2024 fiscal year, the Division of the Budget. For New York City, 5 percent of its budget, or $2 billion, comes from the federal government, according to the . An additional $1.5 billion goes toward the CUNY system and early childhood programs.

State education funding is a reliably heated battle during each budget cycle. Last year, Governor Kathy Hochul鈥檚 proposed cuts to education were roundly rejected by the state legislature. But many observers expect that she may try again.

Levine鈥檚 organization is calling for the new formula to create funding for homeless students, and increase it for students with disabilities and English Language Learners.

鈥淲e think this is a key moment for the state to commit to providing the resources necessary for all students to get the excellent education that they deserve,鈥� she said.

David Little, the executive director of the Rural Schools Association, pointed to the state education department鈥檚 current effort to as a program that will be harder for districts to implement if their budgets are cut.

鈥淭he only thing that can derail that is money,鈥� Little said. 鈥淚f the governor is in the process of trying to figure out how we alter state education aid 鈥� with an eye toward trying to ratchet that back 鈥� and the federal government is proposing to also diminish federal funding, then you immediately go into survival mode.鈥�

Trump has also pledged to withhold funds to schools that recognize transgender students or teach critical race theory, an academic framework that seeks to understand history and society through the lens of historical and systemic racism.

The deportation of newly arrived students

Trump, who has called immigrants 鈥渃riminals, drug dealers and rapists,鈥� has made tightening US immigration policy a signature part of his platform. ( between an increase in immigrant populations and a rise in crime.) He has promised the mass deportation of millions of undocumented immigrants living in the US, an effort that would be both .

The number of unauthorized immigrants in the United States grew by about 800,000 to 11 million between 2019 and 2022, according to the . That number peaked in 2007 at 12.2 million.

new immigrants and asylum seekers have entered New York State in the last two years, prompting school districts statewide to find ways to respond to the unexpected jump in student enrollment.

During the last Trump presidency, the New York City Department of Education to schools and families to protect students from federal immigration action.

鈥淲e certainly hope that the city will step up again and do all it can to protect immigrant students and families and keep their records confidential as well,鈥� Levine said.

A rollback of civil rights protections

Trump鈥檚 return also poses a risk to the Department of Education鈥檚 Office for Civil Rights, the arm of the agency responsible for investigating claims of discrimination at schools and universities
across the country.

That office handled last year 鈥� a record for the 44-year old department. In New York state alone, there are currently at elementary and secondary schools and another 207 at colleges and universities. The office is also tasked with collecting about access to education.

Under DeVos, the agency鈥檚 arm became more lenient, limiting the time and scope of investigations in an effort to clear a backlog of old cases, . DeVos also for transgender students issued under former President Barack Obama while expanding rights afforded to accused of campus sexual harassment and assault.

Project 2025 recommends moving the Office for Civil Rights under the Department of Justice and would require its actions against violators to take place through litigation, rather than administrative enforcement.

The plan also recommends the government rescind guidance issued during the Obama era that is meant to weed out racial discrimination toward students of color with disabilities.

Education advocates in blue states like New York can expect their state governments to take a more active role in civil rights enforcement, Rebell predicted.

鈥淭he more so-called progressive states will probably pick up at least some of the slack,鈥� Rebell said. 鈥淭he ones who are going to get clobbered are going to be the kids in states that are going to be happy to see civil rights enforcement go by the wayside.鈥�

School meals

Previously, Trump tried to tighten requirements around who qualified for free school lunches, which would have caused students to lose access to the program, according to an analysis by the US Department of Agriculture. He also sought to loosen Obama-era nutrition standards.

Project 2025 refers to the federal free lunch program as an 鈥渆ntitlement program鈥� that represents 鈥渁n example of the ever-expanding federal footprint in local school operations.鈥� The plan would do away with a provision that eases access to free meals in high-poverty areas and recommends cutting summer meals for students who are not enrolled in summer programs.

Throughout New York, 57 percent of students were eligible for the federal free or reduced-price lunch program during the 2022鈥�23 school year, slightly higher than the national average, .

A few cities 鈥� New York City, Albany, Rochester and Yonkers 鈥� have their own universal free school meal programs to help fill in gaps where the federal program does not cover all students. State legislators have successfully expanded access to free meals in other regions, but efforts to pass a statewide universal program .

New York City鈥檚 program, which receives , could face restrictions in the wake of budget cuts, according to the city comptroller.

A push for school choice incentives

Trump has championed charter and private schools, a win for school choice proponents in New York. for federal funding to go toward charter schools, voucher programs and tax credits for private school tuition, as a means to empower parents and give them educational options that better suit their children.

鈥淔or too long, countless American children have been trapped in failing government schools,鈥� he said in his 2020 State of the Union address.

A from the Stanford University Center for Research on Educational Outcomes found that charter schools have begun to outperform public schools. Critics say school choice is an effort to privatize schools and that charter schools are a on public school districts.

Though New York has , there is a statewide cap on the number of schools that can open. New York鈥檚 public education community is largely opposed to using public funding for private schools, noted Little of the Rural Schools Association.

鈥淭here might be proposals to make inroads,鈥� he said. 鈥淏ut our governor and our legislative houses are so overwhelmingly Democratic that it would be really hard for them to try and advance a prospective agenda like that.鈥�

Update 11/20: This story was updated to reflect the nomination of Linda McMahon to lead the Department of Education.

This story originally appeared in , a nonprofit news publication investigating power in New York. .

WASHINGTON 鈥� During Donald Trump鈥檚 first term as president, he was reluctant to speak boldly about school choice.

That鈥檚 according to Kellyanne Conway, an aide to the president back then, and one of his former campaign managers. 鈥淗e would say 鈥楢ren鈥檛 we the ones who say it [education] is local? Why would the president of the United States bigfoot all that?鈥欌��

Expect that reticence to be a thing of the past, Conway told the audience  devoted to promoting the benefits of school choice 鈥� from  in the style of programs in West Virginia and Arizona to charter schools and . On the campaign trail, Trump already has been vocal about his embrace of parental choice. 鈥淲e want federal education dollars to follow the student, rather than propping up a bloated and radical bureaucracy in Washington, D.C.,鈥�  at a rally in Wisconsin last month.

(To be sure, Trump did  near the end of his first term offering states the opportunity to use federal money to create school choice programs. When I looked into it a few years ago, I couldn鈥檛 find any state that had taken him up on the offer.)

Conway urged participants at the post-Election Day gathering to speak a certain way in their advocacy to lawmakers going forward. 鈥淟ead with solutions not problems. The problems can be the second part of the sentence, or maybe the second paragraph.鈥� The panelists 鈥� including the founder of a group of charter schools for students with autism in Arizona, the leader of a private school for boys in Alabama and the head of a foundation that supports microschools 鈥� were all winners of , fueled by  and run by the Center for Education Reform.

She also urged the crowd not to make school choice about teachers unions, 鈥渨hich is fun to do, especially this week but it doesn鈥檛 educate another child.鈥� (The National Education Association, the nation鈥檚 largest labor union, generally has opposed private school vouchers and has been celebrating the . 鈥淭he decisive defeat of vouchers on the ballot across multiple states speaks loudly and clearly: The public knows vouchers harm students and does not want them in any form,鈥� NEA President Becky Pringle said in a statement.) 

Lawmakers who need convincing aren鈥檛 holding out just because of union pressure, Conway said. In Texas, for instance, rural lawmakers worried about the effect of vouchers on their schools  or torpedoed plans in that state that would allow parents to use public money for private school tuition. Republican Gov. Greg Abbott helped elect enough new members in place of those rural holdouts, however, that .

The school choice event at the Ronald Reagan Building in D.C. was notable for the range of people it featured, including parents and pastors, people who are white, Black and Latino, and several Democrats, including Colorado Gov. Jared Polis and state Sen. Anthony Hardy Williams of Pennsylvania. Some of the speakers told stories about opening their own charter schools and private schools. They urged the president-elect to take action on choice, including allowing  for children in low-income families to follow those kids to private schools or other settings outside public schools.

In Congress, with Republicans taking hold of the Senate and expected to retain control of the House, lawmakers already have proposed legislation that has, until now, mostly been a nonstarter. Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, who is likely to become chair of the committee that oversees education in his chamber, introduced  this session that would give families and corporations tax credits if they contribute to groups that give scholarships to students to attend private or parochial schools. It would target students whose families earn no more than 300 percent of the area median gross income. Cassidy鈥檚 wife, Laura, runs a charter school for children with dyslexia in Baton Rouge.

鈥淚 think that there鈥檚 going to be a real opportunity to promote innovation in school choice,鈥� Cassidy said. 鈥淭here is great promise in this administration, and I am looking forward to working with them.鈥�

This story about  was produced by , a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for .

Mississippians who are dead set on enacting private school vouchers could do like their counterparts in Kentucky and attempt to change the state constitution to allow public funds to be spent on private schools.

The courts have ruled in Kentucky that the state constitution prevents private schools from receiving public funds, commonly known as vouchers. In response to that court ruling, an issue was placed on the ballot to change the Kentucky Constitution and allow private schools to receive public funds.

But voters threw a monkey wrench into the voucher supporters鈥� plans to bypass the courts. The amendment was overwhelmingly defeated this month, with 65% of Kentuckians voting against the proposal.

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Kentucky, generally speaking, is at least as conservative or more conservative than Mississippi. In unofficial returns, 65% of Kentuckians voted for Republican Donald Trump on Nov. 5 compared to 62% of Mississippians.

In Mississippi, like Kentucky, there has been a hue and cry to enact a widespread voucher program.

Mississippi House Speaker Jason White, R-West, has voiced support for vouchers, though he has conceded he does not believe there are the votes to get such a proposal through the House Republican caucus that claims a two-thirds supermajority.

And, like in Kentucky, there is the question of whether a voucher proposal could withstand legal muster under a plain reading of the Mississippi Constitution.

In Mississippi, like Kentucky, the state constitution appears to explicitly prohibit the spending of public funds on private schools. The Mississippi Constitution states that public funds should not be spent on a school that 鈥渋s not conducted as a free school.鈥�

The Mississippi Supreme Court has never rendered a specific ruling on the issue. The Legislature did provide $10 million in federal COVID-19 relief funds to private schools. That expenditure was challenged and appealed to the Mississippi Supreme Court. But in a ruling earlier this year, the state’s high court did not directly address the issue of public funds being spent on private schools. It instead ruled that the group challenging the expenditure did not have standing to file the lawsuit.

In addition, a majority of the court ruled that the case was not directly applicable to the Mississippi Constitution鈥檚 language since the money directed to private schools was not state funds but one-time federal funds earmarked for COVID-19 relief efforts.

To clear up the issue in Mississippi, those supporting vouchers could do like their counterparts did in Kentucky and try to change the constitution.

Since Mississippi鈥檚 ballot initiative process was struck down in an unrelated Supreme Court ruling, the only way to change the state constitution is to pass a proposal by a two-thirds majority of the Mississippi House and Senate and then by a majority of the those voting in a November general election.

Those touting public funds for private schools point to a poll commissioned by House Speaker White that shows 72% support for 鈥減olicies that enable parents to take a more active role in deciding the best path for their children鈥檚 education.鈥� But what does that actually mean? Many have critiqued the phrasing of the question, wondering why the pollster did not ask specifically about spending public funds on private schools.

Regardless, Mississippi voucher supporters have made no attempt to change the constitution. Instead, they argue that for some vague reason the language in the Mississippi Constitution should be ignored.

Nationwide efforts to put vouchers before the voters have not been too successful. In addition to voters in Kentucky rejecting vouchers, so did voters in ruby-red Nebraska and true-blue Colorado in this year’s election.

With those election setbacks, voucher supporters in Mississippi might believe their best bet is to get the courts to ignore the plain reading of the state constitution instead of getting voters to change that language themselves.

This first appeared on and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

In most states, young people overwhelmingly supported pro-abortion ballot measures, even while voting for GOP President-elect Donald Trump at the top of the ticket, according to a new data analysis of young voters in the 2024 election.

Although young people listed the economy and jobs as the most important issue in the election, abortion came in at number two. This was particularly significant given that more than a dozen states had ballot measures related to protecting or codifying access to abortion rights,

In all states for which Tuft University鈥檚 , had reliable data, young voters ages 18-29 overwhelmingly voted in favor of these reproductive rights measures, even as they moved right from the 2020 election, voting for Democratic Vice President Kamala Harris by much slimmer margins or 鈥� in Florida and Missouri 鈥� pulling the lever for Trump. 

In Florida, over half (52%) of young voters cast their ballot in favor of ending the state’s six-week abortion ban, despite voting for Trump by a 10-point margin.

Youth activist and chairman of the Jayden D鈥橭nofrio saw this play out live on Florida State University鈥檚 campus on the last day of early voting when he shuttled students to their polling place via golf cart. 

He said he heard from countless young Republicans who voted for Trump 鈥� whose Supreme Court nominees were largely responsible for overturning the constitutional right to an abortion 鈥� yet also supported Amendment 4. If the ballot measure had passed, it would have established a statewide constitutional right to abortion before fetal viability.

鈥淭he first two, three times, it’s like, 鈥極h, OK, that’s interesting. You’re voting for Republicans, but you’re voting yes on four,鈥欌�� he told 蜜桃影视. 鈥淎nd then after like the first three times, it was just like, 鈥極K, holy crap. You know, how many of you people are there?鈥� 鈥� 

He largely blames the state Democratic party for this disconnect, arguing they failed to message, motivate, or educate youth voters 鈥渙n where we stand on this issue and where Republicans stand on this issue, and as a result, [young Republicans] voted antithetical to their own beliefs.鈥� 

He added that this mismatch was particularly prominent among young people who told him Trump was pro-choice as well.

Harris garnered 43% of the overall vote in Florida, and the ballot measure received 57.2% of the vote. The amendment ultimately didn鈥檛 pass because it didn鈥檛 reach Florida鈥檚 60% threshold. Most states require a simple majority. 

This overwhelming support of pro-abortion rights ballot measures, despite a movement to the right generally in 2024, matches and previous , which found 53% of all young voters identify as pro-choice.

Ruby Belle Booth, a researcher at CIRCLE, said it鈥檚 further evidence of an emerging trend in which young conservatives and Republicans are consistently more liberal than older ones on a few key issues such as climate change and abortion.

鈥淲ith this more conservative electorate, it doesn鈥檛 mean that they鈥檙e more conservative on every single issue,鈥� she said.

Rhea Maniar, a Harvard University freshman and former chair of the said she wasn鈥檛 expecting the 鈥渕agic wand鈥� miracle鈥� of a Harris win in her home state, but she was cautiously optimistic about the ballot measure.

Ultimately, she was left disappointed by her party鈥檚 inability to hit the 60% mark and encouraged leaders to reevaluate their approach to the youth vote generally. 

鈥淭here has to be a reason why folks are willing to put Trump on the top of their ticket and then still vote for abortion,鈥� she said. 鈥淎nd I think Democrats are really going to need to take a hard, long look at what鈥檚 happening.鈥� 

The 鈥榝rat boy vote鈥�

Youth turnout this year (42%) was lower than the historic turnout in 2020 鈥� more similarly mirroring that of 2016 鈥� except in the battleground states, where it was much closer to the 50% mark. 

鈥淲hat the turnout in the battlegrounds really shows,鈥� said Booth, 鈥渋s that when young people are engaged in elections and when there鈥檚 a lot of investment in engaging young people in elections they learn to feel like they can make a difference. They feel like their voice matters and they have resources that young people in a lot of other states don鈥檛 have.鈥�

The young people who did turn out to vote were significantly more conservative. Young voters backed Harris overall by a mere 4 points (51% to 47%) but gravitated toward Trump compared to 2020, when they gave President Biden a much larger margin (+25). 

The youth electorate was more Republican than 2020 by 9 percentage points, whereas Democratic-identifying youth dropped by five points. It鈥檚 not yet clear if this indicates an ideological sea change among the youngest generation of voters or a shift in who turned out to vote, said Booth.

鈥淚t just goes to show that there鈥檚 so many different kinds of young people out there with so many different priorities,鈥� she said, 鈥渁nd I think for a long time people just assumed that all young people were liberal voters and this election proved that that was not the case. And that鈥檚 something we鈥檝e been saying for a really long time 鈥� but I think not everybody has been listening.鈥�

One thing she believes is clear this early: young voters were driven by issues. Forty percent of young people chose the economy and jobs as their top issue, and those who did so were about 20 points more likely to vote for Trump. Abortion came in second place, followed by immigration in third 鈥� a shift from 2022 when immigration was ranked lower. 

This appears to be a driving factor in the movement toward Trump, who throughout his campaign and is now planning for . Young voters who listed immigration as their top issue supported Trump by a 70-point margin.聽

Early data suggests the migration overall is largely attributable to young men, who supported President Joe Biden over Trump by six points, but voted for Trump by a 14-point margin this time around. Among young white men, that margin ballooned to 28 points.

Black and Asian youth overwhelmingly voted for Harris over Trump by the largest margin 鈥� about 50 points 鈥� while young white voters favored Trump overall (54% to 44%).

The largest shift for any racial or ethnic group of youth between the 2020 and 2024 elections were Latinos, who favored Harris by a 20-point margin this year but went for Biden by a 49-point margin. Young Latino men were 14 points more likely to identify as Republican than they were four years ago, though they still were more likely overall to identify as Democrats.

Youth organizer D鈥橭nofrio, who identifies as 鈥渏ust as a regular, straight white dude who’s 19 years old in Florida,鈥� said he鈥檚 seen this dynamic play out among his male friends, the majority of whom are Republicans.

He said he鈥檚 started to notice that despite supporting some liberal issues 鈥� such as abortion rights 鈥� many of these young men have been of hyper-masculinity that 鈥渕akes them feel good,鈥� which Trump and the Republican party have successfully tapped into.

His peers see Trump going on conservative talk shows, like The Joe Rogan Experience, or engaging with Twitch streamers or billionaire businessmen like Elon Musk. Meanwhile Democrats, he said, are not meeting this demographic where they are, nor do they understand how to talk to them. 

Ultimately, he said, Democrats must recruit strong messengers, with relatable information that they get out on the platforms young men actually engage with.

鈥淚t鈥檚 the frat boy vote,鈥� he said. 鈥淵ou know, embracing it is unfortunately the way to do it. But by embracing it, you can actively change their minds on it and show that we鈥檙e regular people [who aren鈥檛] trying to destroy or dilute their vote.鈥�

Correction: Young male voters favored President-elect Donald Trump by a 14-point margin this year. An earlier version of this story had that number at 28, which is the margin by which young white male voters favored Trump.

Charter-backed upstart failed in the Nov. 5 elections to unseat , the longtime LAUSD educator and policymaker who won the election and will begin his third and final term on the LA Unified board in January. 

Chang conceded in a message to supporters that he wasn鈥檛 going to be able to overcome 厂肠丑尘别谤别濒蝉辞苍鈥檚 4 percentage point lead. 

Chang, a math teacher at James Madison Middle School in North Hollywood, who previously helped found charter schools in LA, trailed behind Schmerelson with 48% of the vote, while Schmerelson garnered  52%.

The contest between the two men had the potential to tip the district鈥檚 school board away from a 4-3 majority of union-backed members, and impact the board鈥檚 handling of several facing LAUSD, including restrictions on charter schools鈥� use of buildings, which Chang said he鈥檇 move to reverse if elected. 

victory is part of a successful election season for many teachers . 

The outspoken former teacher and principal has sided closely with local unions on issues of space and resources for charter schools. His win could mean more headwinds for the nation鈥檚 largest charter school sector here moving forward. 

厂肠丑尘别谤别濒蝉辞苍鈥檚 campaign didn鈥檛 respond to requests for comment.

Two other LA Unified school board races being decided by voters this year were not as close.

For District 1 in South LA, board admin defeated with 71% of the vote, versus 29% for Al-Alim, whom the in the primary over anti-semitic social media. 

For LAUSD Board District 5, which covers parts of Northeast and Southeast LA, union-backed led with 61% of the vote, versus 39% held by Ortiz.

Meanwhile, a majority of LA voters voiced their approval of a to repair and upgrade aging school buildings. 

As of Friday, voters cast 68% of ballots in favor of , which was backed by members of the LAUSD board, district superintendent Alberto Carvalho, the teachers union and local construction groups.  

Measure US would be LAUSD鈥檚 largest ever school facilities bond, and would be paid for with property tax increases. It requires a 55% majority in order to pass. 

The Los Angeles County Clerk is still counting votes and is providing daily. 

As of Friday the clerk had recorded more than 3.7 million votes in all the elections held November 5, with roughly 35% of eligible voters still uncounted.

When Donald Trump told Elon Musk one of his first acts as president would be to 鈥渃lose the Department of Education, move education back to the states,鈥� he was invoking a GOP promise that goes back to President Ronald Reagan and the department鈥檚 founding.

Yet through multiple Republican administrations, including Trump鈥檚 first term, the U.S. Department of Education has persisted.

That hasn鈥檛 stopped Democrats from sounding the alarm that Trump鈥檚 views epitomize the GOP鈥檚 bad intentions for public schools. The fact that the Republican Party鈥檚 platform , as does the , has only .

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鈥淲e are not going to let him eliminate the Department of Education that funds our public schools,鈥� Vice President Kamala Harris said to thunderous applause in her speech at the Democratic National Convention, where she placed the department alongside prized institutions and programs like Social Security, Medicare, and the Affordable Care Act.

The department has become a 鈥渒ind of trophy鈥� in a larger debate about the meaning of public education, said Rick Hess, director of education policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute.

In fact, he said, 鈥淭he Department of Education actually has very little to do with that debate. Abolishing it doesn鈥檛 advance school choice and keeping it doesn鈥檛 do much for traditional district schools. But it鈥檚 become a symbol of which side you鈥檙e on in that debate.鈥�

So, what exactly does the U.S. Department of Education do? Why do so many conservatives want to see it go away? Why has it survived? And what would it take for that to actually happen?

The U.S. Department of Education: a brief history

The federal government spent money on education and developed education policies . But the U.S. Department of Education didn鈥檛 become a stand-alone agency until 1980, when it split off from the U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare.

President Jimmy Carter advocated for the creation of the department to fulfill a campaign promise to the National Education Association. Congress passed the Department of Education Organization Act in 1979. Some Democrats and the American Federation of Teachers opposed the idea, due to fears about and concerns that it would cater to the NEA鈥檚 interests.

Reagan, Carter鈥檚 successor, campaigned on abolishing the brand-new department. But Reagan鈥檚 first education secretary, Terrel Bell, commissioned the landmark report 鈥淎 Nation at Risk: The Imperative for Educational Reform,鈥� warning that America was losing its competitive edge. It advocated for a strong federal role to ensure students received a high-quality education.

鈥淚f the federal government is coming out with a report that shows all the things that need to be fixed and at the same time, we鈥檙e backing out of it, those are not compatible positions,鈥� said Michael Feuer, dean of George Washington University鈥檚 Graduate School of Education and Human Development.

The U.S. Department of Education does a lot of things, and . Its biggest K-12 programs by dollar amount . Some of its most high-profile and controversial work involves enforcing civil rights protections. The department also plays a major role in distributing financial aid for higher education.

The department is . Before the infusion of pandemic relief dollars, the federal government only covered about 8% of K-12 educational costs. In recent years, it鈥檚 been closer to 11%. But isn鈥檛 necessarily easy.

Why do conservatives want to end the Department of Education?

Some of the dislike is purely ideological.

For conservatives, less government is better. Education is not mentioned directly in the U.S. Constitution. And a new department overseeing functions that remain mostly the purview of local government is low-hanging fruit.

Under Democratic administrations, the department has also sided with more progressive approaches to education and to civil rights enforcement.

The Obama administration, for example, told schools that if they suspended or expelled Black students at much higher rates than other groups, that could be a sign they were . Critics said the rules pushed schools to adopt laxer disciplinary policies that made schools less safe. . (The Biden administration has not reinstated them.)

More recently, the Biden administration issued Title IX rules that provide greater and more explicit protections for LGBTQ students 鈥� .

Jonathan Butcher, a senior fellow at the Heritage Foundation, said states have been a source of innovation, like charter schools and educational savings accounts. The federal department not only distracts states from efforts to improve education but creates unnecessary bureaucracy.

All the while, achievement gaps based on race and poverty haven鈥檛 gone away, Butcher noted, though .

鈥淲e have ample evidence that it is not serving its purpose,鈥� Butcher said of the department. Abolishing it, he added, is 鈥渃onsistent with both the interest in smaller government and the interest in doing what鈥檚 right for kids.鈥�

What does Trump say about abolishing the Department of Education?

In his , the social media platform previously known as Twitter, Trump said the U.S. had a 鈥渉orrible鈥� education ranking at the bottom of developed countries while spending the most.

It鈥檚 not totally clear what sources Trump was using. On , the U.S. ranked sixth in reading, 10th in science, and 26th in math among 81 countries. show , especially . The U.S. does spend , including many that score better on key measures.

Trump said some states won鈥檛 do well, but many would do a better job on their own while spending less money.

鈥淥f the 50, I would bet that 35 would do great, and 15 of them or 20 of them would be as good as Norway,鈥� Trump told Musk. 鈥淵ou know Norway is considered great.鈥�

He said the federal government could provide 鈥渁 little monitor. You want to make sure they are teaching English, as an example. Give us a little English, right?鈥�

Trump鈥檚 campaign did not respond to a request to elaborate on the candidate鈥檚 plans.

How would abolishing the Department of Education work?

Abolishing a federal department would require an act of Congress, just as creating one does. It likely would also , which the idea doesn鈥檛 have.

U.S. Rep. Thomas Massie, a Kentucky Republican, has to abolish the department 鈥� but the bill has failed to gain traction.

Despite that, Massie said his proposals were serious. 鈥淒amn right I want to terminate the Department of Education,鈥� he said in a statement. 鈥淧ublic education in America has gone downhill ever since this bureaucracy was created.鈥�

The Heritage Foundation鈥檚 Project 2025, widely seen as a blueprint for a future Trump administration 鈥� 鈥� lays out a much more detailed plan that considers necessary steps from Congress and the executive branch.

For example, the plan says civil rights enforcement should move to the Department of Justice, educational data collection to the U.S. Census Bureau, and support for Native American students to the Bureau of Indian Affairs.

Butcher acknowledged that BIA schools don鈥檛 have a good track record. But he argued that the agency was better positioned to work on improving educational outcomes.

Meanwhile, Project 2025 says Title I funding for high-poverty schools should be turned into vouchers and then phased out over time, while money from the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act should be given directly to parents.

On a podcast earlier this year, Lindsey Burke, the Heritage Foundation鈥檚 director of the Center for Education Policy and author of Project 2025鈥檚 education chapter, of simply abolishing the department.

But she said the executive branch could take certain actions on its own, such as ending student loan forgiveness programs and not enforcing the new Title IX rules.

Ending the Education Department now 鈥榩art of the conversation鈥�

Hess, of the American Enterprise Institute, said he doesn鈥檛 oppose eliminating the department, but the idea has become a kind of 鈥渂oogie man or quick fix鈥� that鈥檚 become a on the federal role in education.

鈥淪o much of the culture war that reached a boil during the pandemic focused on schools and colleges, which made the department more contested terrain and made education more contested terrain,鈥� he said.

He鈥檚 skeptical that a future Trump administration would get any closer to eliminating the department than the first one did. And a could make it even harder to make dramatic changes via executive order, Hess said.

Feuer, of George Washington University, thinks the department has made positive contributions, despite some flaws, and wants to see it stick around. An unfriendly administration could dramatically cut funding or eliminate programs without eliminating the department. That鈥檚 the wrong debate to have when , he said.

鈥淚f we now take this really important moment and get everyone fighting about maintaining the department, instead of keeping our eyes on the kids and the teachers and doing some good work, that would be a really unfortunate distraction,鈥� he said.

Butcher acknowledged that it鈥檚 鈥渁 big, ambitious idea,鈥� but said it鈥檚 also a serious one. Past efforts, he said, lacked willpower and an advocate who prioritized it.

He was encouraged when every candidate in Republican presidential primary debates last year (except Trump, who did not participate) said they .

鈥淲e have made it a part of the conversation,鈥� Butcher said.

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鈥淭his is the most conservative legislature in history. We will continue to deliver a conservative agenda that will protect liberty and promote prosperity,鈥� Senate President wrote on X. 鈥淲ith our expanded majority we will make sure our communities are safe and that our kids have the best educational opportunities possible.鈥�

The swing state鈥檚 legislative prospects garnered the and a flood of campaign spending, with nearly being spent to elect lawmakers across both parties in 13 races. Democrats focused most energy in five close races in suburban Tucson and Phoenix that could have shifted the Republicans鈥� previous two-vote majorities. 

Now with the control of both houses, the Republican party can act on their promise to grow the Empowerment Scholarship voucher program, which sends tax dollars to private schools and reimburses families for homeschooling expenses. 

Democratic Governor Katie Hobbs has ESA growth, stating when she took office it 鈥渨ould likely bankrupt the state.鈥� Arizona is considered an unofficial beacon for school choice, the first in the nation to offer families anything resembling a voucher in 2011.

The ESA program, expanded to all families under Republican leadership past its original design to support kids with disabilities or in underperforming schools, was last year. 

The state鈥檚 schools chief has said it鈥檚 impossible to credit the program, which most recently cost the state about $718 million to support 78,000 students, as causing deficits in the state budget, pointing to an overall surplus in the Department of Education because of declines in projected charter spending. 

Whether or not the state鈥檚 budget will be further strained by Republicans鈥� legislative agenda to expand the program, in its current iteration, it鈥檚 also been criticized for lack of accountability. Parents were able, for example, to reimburse $800 driving lessons in luxury vehicles, golf merchandise, and visits to . 

鈥淲hile you may think this may not be a good use of that family’s ESA funding, at the end of the day, they get a fixed amount of money, and if that’s how they’re going to choose to use it, that’s their prerogative,鈥� ESA director John Ward . 

Today, the nearly 80,000 families enrolled in the program receive about $7,500 for their childrens鈥� educational expenses. According to the , the vast majority of funding went to schools that specialize in serving kids with disabilities, particularly autism, and private, religious schools. 

Roughly are students with disabilities, a higher proportion than the average in traditional public schools statewide. 

A revealed low-income families are using the program far less frequently than families in wealthier enclaves. For families living in poverty, the location of private schools and financial responsibility of taking on additional transportation, research, and meals costs makes 鈥渟chool choice鈥� an unrealized promise. 

Incumbents Tom McMillin and Nikki Snyder held onto their seats on the Michigan Board of Education in Tuesday鈥檚 election. They are the only Republican members of the board.

It was another good down-ballot result for Michigan Republicans, who rode to flip the state House and almost every seat on the boards of the University of Michigan, Michigan State University and the Wayne State University.

McMillin and Snyder defeated Democratic challengers Theodore Jones and former state Rep. Adam Zemke for seats on Michigan鈥檚 Board of Education and will serve eight-year terms on the board that is tasked with overseeing the educational system across the state and recommending changes to lawmakers.

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Snyder has served a single term on the board. She is a former nurse who has previously had unsuccessful runs for U.S. Senate and Congress. She the Michigan Advance along the campaign trail that she is focused on school safety, improving literacy in schools and providing eligible students with appropriate special education resources.

Snyder received the most votes of any education board candidate at nearly 2.5 million votes or 24.48% of the vote, according to unofficial election results.

McMillin also has served one term on the Michigan Board of Education, having been elected alongside fellow incumbent Snyder in 2016. Previously, McMillin served as a state legislator representing Oakland County and has served in local government and as an Oakland County Commissioner, among other roles.

McMillin secured about 24% of the vote, beating out Democratic challengers by more than 60,000 votes apiece.

Jones is a former teacher, school social worker and has worked in administration for Detroit public schools. His campaign centered around increasing investments into Michigan schools to help students recover from learning loss due to the COVID-19 pandemic and to allocate resources to retain good teachers.

Zemke, was previously a state lawmaker representing Ann Arbor who served on education-related committees. He has been a part of education-focused groups like the and was previously the president of . He the Michigan Advance during his campaign that he鈥檇 like to better bridge the board with lawmakers and other stakeholders and implement meaningful change while serving on the board.

Join 蜜桃影视 and the Progressive Policy Institute for a special conversation about the ways in which community service programs and school curriculum and practices can help strengthen social cohesion among students of different backgrounds. 鈥淭eaching Common Democratic Values in a Divided America鈥� will stream Wednesday at 2 p.m.

Joining moderator Tressa Pankovits from PPI will be American Exchange Project Co-Founder and CEO David McCullough III, Maryland Secretary of Service and Civic Innovation Paul Monteiro, American Enterprise Institute Senior Fellow Robert Pondiscio and Richard Kahlenberg, director of PPI鈥檚 American Identity Project. 

Sign up for the Zoom or tune in to this page at 2 p.m. ET to stream the event.

Explore more civics education topics from 蜜桃影视: 

• It鈥檚 Time for a Ceasefire in the Civics Wars

• Opinion: Teachers in All Subjects Must Help Prepare the Next Generation of Voters

• 5 Lessons From Civics in How to Achieve Agreement Across the Political Divide

• There is Agreement on Civics Education 鈥� If You Know Where to Look

• How Texas Lawmakers Gutted Civics

鈥淒oomed.鈥� 鈥淏affled.鈥� 鈥淪cared.鈥� 鈥淗appy.鈥� 鈥淚 don鈥檛 care.鈥� 鈥淲e are so cooked.鈥�

Those were the reactions to the presidential election result that students scrawled on a white board Wednesday morning inside Joshua Ferguson鈥檚 11th grade government class at Ypsilanti Community High School in Michigan.

Before he knew that former President Donald Trump had won a second term, Ferguson thought he would do a lesson on disinformation in politics. Instead, he gave students room to talk. The most important piece of this lesson, he said, was for his students to feel safe and heard.

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鈥淚 think that鈥檚 my job as a teacher,鈥� he said.

Educators across the country awakened Wednesday to the , then headed into school buildings where students were feeling everything from elation to shock to despair. Some had carefully scripted lesson plans at the ready. Others, like Ferguson, scrapped what they prepared and simply listened.

For civics and social studies teachers who had been monitoring the 2024 presidential election, Wednesday presented both a pedagogical challenge 鈥� and opportunity. Chalkbeat reporters fanned out to schools across the country to see how teachers approached this monumental day.

This story was reported by Caroline Bauman, Gabrielle Birkner, Hannah Dellinger, Jessie Gomez, Dale Mezzacappa, Amelia Pak-Harvey, Carly Sitrin, and Alex Zimmerman.

鈥榃hy do people keep voting for Trump?鈥�

Ahead of his 7:30 a.m. social studies class Wednesday, teacher John Winters had prepared a worksheet to spur conversation.

鈥淎s you know, [fill in the blank] has been elected as the next U.S. President,鈥� the sheet read. 鈥淧lease share your thoughts, feelings, concerns, questions, etc.鈥�

His students at Philadelphia鈥檚 Murrell Dobbins Career & Technical Education High School didn鈥檛 need much prompting.

鈥淗e IS a convicted felon and should鈥檝e never been allowed to run ever again,鈥� wrote one student.

People 鈥渄on鈥檛 want to see a girl/woman be the president,鈥� wrote another.

鈥淲hy do people keep voting for Trump? Especially people that he doesn鈥檛 even like and is racist towards?鈥� still another wrote.

The responses conveyed dismay and fear among some at the 800-student technical school, which is 89% Black and located in the city鈥檚 lowest income ZIP code.

At the end of the class, one junior held back to talk to Winters. Anxiety, even fear, was written all over his face as he struggled for words.

He asked a series of questions, like how many bills a president could pass and how an impeached president could be elected again. Winters answered but sensed there was something larger the boy wanted to know.

鈥淚 was born here, but I鈥檓 scared for my parents,鈥� he said. 鈥淭hey鈥檙e from Haiti. It鈥檚 bad there right now.鈥�

Winters reminded him that strongly Democratic Philadelphia has been a sanctuary city, meaning it doesn鈥檛 always cooperate with the federal government in enforcing immigration law. He told the young man to clarify with his parents their status. But then, reluctantly, he added: 鈥淚 can鈥檛 lie, it鈥檚 a concerning situation.鈥�

The boy put his head down, and slowly walked to his next class.

A rightward shift, especially among boys

At The Global Learning Collaborative, a high school situated in the deep-blue Upper West Side of Manhattan, students reacted to Trump鈥檚 victory with a mix of fear, ambivalence 鈥� and support.

More than 70% of the school鈥檚 students are Latino, and many expressed alarm over Trump鈥檚 anti-immigrant rhetoric. But there was still a sizable number of students who supported the Republican candidate during a mock election held during a Wednesday morning assembly: 136 students voted for Vice President Kamala Harris, while 70 supported Trump.

Junior Alix Torres said she has undocumented relatives and worries about his promise to .

鈥淚 woke up kind of angry this morning,鈥� Torres said, noting that she helped persuade some family members to vote for Harris. 鈥淚 hope he hears the public and chooses to not go through with that. We built this country.鈥�

Others at The Global Learning Collaborative said they supported Trump or didn鈥檛 have a firm opinion of him; nearly all were under 10 years old during his first presidency.

Senior Sara Otero, who is 18, voted for the first time on Tuesday, casting a ballot for the former president. A devout Christian, Otero said she believed Trump would preserve religious liberty, though she hadn鈥檛 followed the election closely.

鈥淚 wasn鈥檛 as educated as I wish I was on the whole thing,鈥� she said.

Harris decisively won New York City, but . Civics teacher Martin Gloster said he has seen a rightward shift in political attitudes in his classroom.

鈥淚 think teenage boys are really attracted to that strongman presence,鈥� he said.

Gloster said he has struggled with teaching contemporary politics, including the presidential debate in which Trump Haitian immigrants were eating cats and dogs. In a class that discussed the debate, one student had faced an arduous journey emigrating from Guatemala, while others were more sympathetic to Trump.

鈥淚t鈥檚 difficult because obviously I play it down the middle 鈥� Trump is just a different thing,鈥� Gloster said. 鈥淚鈥檓 learning on the fly. I don鈥檛 have all the answers.鈥�

Taking lessons from Gore鈥檚 2000 concession speech

When Reid Stuart arrived for his first class on Wednesday, he had three goals for students: Give space to process this huge political moment, impart tools to 鈥� and watch Al Gore鈥檚 concession speech from 2000.

鈥淚t鈥檚 an incredible speech, by a Tennessean, after a tense moment that calls for unity,鈥� said Stuart, who teaches at Crosstown High School, a diverse public charter school in Memphis, Tennessee. 鈥淚t feels relevant.鈥�

His students in AP Human Geography settled into class, some joking with each other about the election and others speaking somberly.

Before watching , Stuart asked: What did his students expect from a conceding presidential candidate?

鈥淭o show respect to the other candidate.鈥� 鈥淭o show respect for the system.鈥� 鈥淭o actually concede,鈥� students chimed in.

Stuart then asked, 鈥淚f you are Al Gore, how are you feeling?鈥�

鈥淐heated.鈥� 鈥淢ad.鈥� 鈥淯naccepting of loss.鈥� 鈥淏itter.鈥�

Gore, a Democrat, gave his speech more than a month after the 2000 Election Day and after .

Stuart asked his students what they thought of Gore鈥檚 delivery and message.

鈥淚 think he was being sarcastic,鈥� said one student. 鈥淟ike you could tell he didn鈥檛 really believe what he was saying, and felt like he should have won, but he still called for unity and respect.鈥�

As other students in the room nodded in agreement, Stuart said: 鈥淭his is a hallmark of a free and fair election, that the person who lost, can get up there and offer a unifying message, even if he is bitter. Right?鈥�

He noted that later Wednesday. 鈥淚 encourage you to watch it,鈥� he told students. 鈥淪ee if she has the same message of unification and moving forward, even though you can guarantee she is feeling deeply about the loss.鈥�

An election that turned on grocery prices and utility bills

Philadelphia social studies teacher Charlie McGeehan prepared for every election outcome 鈥� but, he admitted to his students Wednesday morning, 鈥渢his is not what I expected.鈥�

When he went to bed Tuesday night before midnight, McGeehan had anticipated explaining to the juniors and seniors in his classes about how long vote counting can take. About how we might not know the outcome of the election for several days. About the role deep-blue Philadelphia would play in deciding the election.

By the time he woke on Wednesday, that plan was moot. So, he figured, let鈥檚 just give the students 鈥� many of whom had spent long hours working the polls the day prior 鈥� space to decompress.

Together, they combed through the election results guided by students鈥� questions like 鈥淗ow was the polling yesterday so surprising?鈥� 鈥淲hich state did the race ultimately come down to?鈥� and 鈥淒oes Kamala Harris have any path to winning at all?鈥�

To that last question, McGeehan was straightforward: 鈥淣o, she doesn鈥檛.鈥�

Many of McGeehan鈥檚 students at the Academy at Palumbo are first- or second-generation Americans or immigrants. On notecards, students laid out their more personal fears, ones they didn鈥檛 necessarily want to share with the class.

鈥淎s a woman and a child of an immigrant, I鈥檓 honestly scared鈥� read one. 鈥淚 saw a post saying how Trump pledged to launch mass deportation鈥� which makes me feel like not researching more because of how much more sick stuff I might read,鈥� said another.

One said 鈥淚 feel great because Trump鈥檚 [positions] align with what I want. Especially with the issues of censorship, grocery prices, and utility bills.鈥�

鈥楰ind of a very depressing day鈥�

Nehemiah Legrand tried to eat dinner Tuesday but couldn鈥檛 finish. She was glued to her phone. She was up until 3 a.m.

The 13-year-old student at Enlace Academy, a pre-K-8 school in the International Marketplace area of Indianapolis, is an American citizen by birth whose parents are legally living in the country. The family fled Haiti after her older brother was kidnapped in 2020 amid the country鈥檚 political turmoil.

Still, Trump鈥檚 campaign rhetoric around immigration scared Nehemiah 鈥� and made her fear that her family would be deported.

鈥淚 just feel like today 鈥� it doesn鈥檛 feel normal,鈥� she said, sitting in the school鈥檚 hallway on Wednesday, looking out the window at the rain. 鈥淧eople are not talkative or none of that. It鈥檚 very, very strange. It鈥檚 kind of a very depressing day. Because everyone just doesn鈥檛 know what鈥檚 going to happen next, and you can tell everyone is stressed.鈥�

The presidential election has over her and her classmates at the school, where many students come from Latin America and Haiti. At this school, students have to grow up fast. Many carry trauma from their immigration to the United States, said lead social worker Hailey Butchart.

Now, students like Nehemiah are preparing for what the next four years with Trump 鈥� whose platform includes deploying 鈥渢he largest deportation operation in American history鈥� 鈥� will mean for them.

鈥淎 lot of the students I speak with have had a family member that has been deported, and they live with that fear as well,鈥� Butchart said.

The power of social media in elections

On the morning after Election Day, Zy鈥橝sia Weathers rolled over in bed to grab her phone on a nearby nightstand and scrolled through TikTok.

But instead of seeing videos of makeup reviews or the latest trends, Zy鈥橝sia鈥檚 feed was filled with women and girls crying about the outcome of Tuesday鈥檚 election and the potential impact on female reproductive rights.

鈥淧eople were even saying, like, very vague things, like, just thinking the worst of the worst,鈥� added Zy鈥橝sia, 17, a senior at KIPP Newark Collegiate Academy.

Throughout the school day Wednesday, Zy鈥橝sia and her peers talked about other videos they saw, like people celebrating former president Donald Trump鈥檚 reelection and others questioning what his victory would mean for the nation.

Zy鈥橝sia is also the president of her school鈥檚 Student Government Association, and on Wednesday, the group met to discuss the presidential outcomes. Yanibel Feliz, the advisor of the group, walked students through an exercise to discuss the election process, the outcome, and the effect of social media.

Some students said they were shocked about Trump鈥檚 victory because they had seen much support for Harris on social media.

鈥淪ometimes, social media might paint a picture of how elections will go,鈥� said Trinity Douglas, a junior at the school, during class. 鈥淏ut it has a big effect on our generation.鈥�

鈥業鈥檓 afraid what will happen to my family鈥�

The icebreaker in Joel Snyder鈥檚 government classes on Wednesday was to respond to the prompt: 鈥淚 am feeling 鈥� because 鈥︹��

The responses were wide-ranging and included students who were enthusiastic about the election outcome and those who were disappointed the U.S. would not, after all, elect a woman as president.

In the few minutes they were given, students took pencil to paper and wrote that they were 鈥渟hocked鈥� to hear how well Trump did with Latinos, 鈥渇urious鈥� at what they saw as sexism in the results, and 鈥渃oncerned鈥� that America had once again elected a man whose flaws and felony convictions are, by now, well known.

Some answers hit closer to home. 鈥淚 am feeling uneasy,鈥� one student wrote, 鈥渂ecause I鈥檓 afraid what will happen to my family who are undocumented.鈥�

Standing at the front of his class at 脕nimo Pat Brown Charter High School in the Florence-Firestone neighborhood of South Los Angeles, the teacher reminded his students that whether or not they are U.S. citizens, they have 鈥渢he duty to be the protectors of democracy and of each other.鈥� Snyder teaches about 140 students across five government classes, including one AP course. Of the roughly 600 students enrolled at 脕nimo Pat Brown, almost all of them are Hispanic 鈥� their families hailing from Mexico, Guatemala, and elsewhere in Latin America.

Snyder also asked his students to write down one issue that they care about and how they think Trump鈥檚 election might impact it. The students chose abortion rights, the economy, constitutional norms, and, again and again, immigration. They shared their fears of mass deportations and stories of family members who had waited years for green cards they may never get.

鈥淢y main concern is how, even despite being a citizen, I still won鈥檛 be protected because my parents are immigrants,鈥� Natalie, 17, a student in Snyder鈥檚 AP U.S. Government and Politics class, told Chalkbeat.

This was originally published by Chalkbeat. Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools. Sign up for their newsletters at .

Ayotte beat Democrat Joyce Craig, the former mayor of Manchester, the state鈥檚 largest city, with 53.6 percent of the vote. Ayotte previously served one term in the Senate from 2011 through 2016 after four years as New Hampshire鈥檚 attorney general. 

The race gained national attention after Ayotte backed, then criticized; and then again backed iPresident-Elect Donald Trump between 2016 and today. Ayotte鈥檚 anti-abortion stance was another sharp difference between her and Craig that attracted attention.

But the candidates also took different positions on school choice issues, mostly centering on New Hampshire鈥檚 鈥淓ducation Freedom Accounts,鈥� a plan the state created in 2021 to give parents money to spend on private school tuition or approved homeschooling expenses.

Similar to vouchers, the accounts give parents $4,100 a year if family income is under 350 percent of the federal poverty level, or $109,000 a year for a family of four. More money is available for families with lower income, English language learners or students with disabilities.

Attempts to expand eligibility for the money this year won some support in the state legislature, but not enough to pass. Ayotte has repeatedly called for choice to be 鈥渦niversal,鈥� not just expanded to some groups. 

鈥淚 believe that parents make the best decisions for their children,鈥� Ayotte last year. 鈥淚鈥檓 a strong believer in education freedom鈥e want to give every child in this state the opportunity to go to the school or the educational setting that is best for them.鈥�

Ayotte鈥檚 husband, Joseph Daley is a math teacher at a private school, St. Christopher Academy in Nashua, where students use the accounts.

Her opponent vigorously opposed the accounts, calling them a that takes millions of dollars of tax money away from public schools. The American Federation of Teachers – New Hampshire endorsed Craig,

Ayotte also pledged to back and sign a 鈥減arental bill of rights鈥� if elected. There have been and nationally. Ayotte鈥檚 campaign did not clarify what the bill would include.

The most prominent in New Hampshire, , required schools to share with parents if students identify as a different gender at school, including using different names. That bill sparked emotional debate last year, with the LGBTQ community saying students have the right to not be 鈥渙uted鈥� to judgmental parents and parents saying they have a right to raise their children as they want.

from parents, the first state supreme court to rule on an issue flaring up in several states.

Ayotte, however, said throughout the campaign and on that she will 鈥渆nthusiastically work to pass and sign the Parental Bill of Rights.鈥�

鈥淧arents have a right to decide what is best for their child 鈥� period,鈥� according to her site.

LOUISVILLE 鈥� A constitutional amendment to allow the Kentucky General Assembly to fund nonpublic schools failed at the ballot box Tuesday.

Amendment 2 鈥�  which 65% of voters rejected, 鈥� would have opened a path for the Republican-controlled legislature to allow state dollars to flow to nonpublic schools, such as private or charter schools. , Republicans, including U.S. Sen. Rand Paul, attempted to bolster support for the measure while Democrats led by Gov. Andy Beshear attacked the amendment as a threat to public education.

Opposition to Amendment 2 spanned rural and urban Kentucky, said Will Powers, the policy and public engagement coordinator for the Kentucky Student Voice Team, which toured the state by bus rallying opposition.

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鈥淚 think it鈥檚 a ubiquitous message. Everyone resonates with it,鈥� Powers said Tuesday night during a Protect Ours Schools PAC watch party in Louisville. 鈥淓very community has a public school, not every community has a private school. And I think we鈥檙e seeing the ramifications of that one true fact.鈥�

Jason Bailey, executive director of the Kentucky Center for Economic Policy, said he was not surprised Amendment 2 failed.

鈥淭he opposition to Amendment 2 was bipartisan,鈥� Bailey said. 鈥淚t was really defeated by a huge margin in many rural counties that also voted for Donald Trump. So Kentuckians are smart. They were discerning, and they they saw this for what it was. It was a scam funded by outside billionaires to shift dollars away from public schools and to fund private school vouchers. And Kentuckians, by it looks like a very wide margin, said no.鈥�

KyPolicy, a progressive think tank, opposed the measure and earlier this year that showed how similar systems to fund private schools in other states could harm the state鈥檚 public schools if they were replicated in Kentucky. Bailey said the defeat of the amendment would be 鈥渁n end to this debate鈥� and politicians should focus on further investments in existing public schools.

Outgoing Senate Republican Floor Leader Damon Thayer, of Georgetown, called the Amendment 2 defeat 鈥渄isappointing, but not surprising.鈥� He said in a phone interview that opponents of the amendment 鈥渃onfused鈥� voters and added that 鈥渋t鈥檚 hard to get people to understand a constitutional question when the opposition completely misleads the issue.鈥�

鈥淎lso, I wish the Republican Party of Kentucky had been more engaged in defending the issue,鈥� Thayer said.

Thayer said the Kentucky Democratic Party was engaged in getting voters to oppose the amendment. KDP held numerous press conferences around the state led by Lt. Gov. Jacqueline Coleman, and Democratic candidates often voiced their opposition to the amendment while campaigning. 鈥淭he RPK did not ever really engage despite the fact that it was a priority bill of our legislative supermajority,鈥� Thayer said. 鈥淏ut it鈥檚 hard to change the Constitution. That鈥檚 the way it is. And it鈥檚 the one disappointment on what appears to be a really good night.鈥�

Beshear said in a statement that lawmakers should 鈥渞ecognize the will of the people and get serious about ensuring that every Kentucky child gets a world-class public education.鈥� Beshear said that includes better funding public schools, raising teacher pay and establishing a universal pre-K program in Kentucky.

鈥淜entucky voters have once again definitively stated that public dollars belong only in public schools,鈥� Beshear said.

In a statement reacting to the defeat of Amendment 2, Kentucky Students First, one of the leading PACs supporting the amendment, said its members and volunteers 鈥渇ought hard to change the status quo protected by Kentucky鈥檚 education special interests.鈥�

鈥淭hough the results may not have been in our favor, this campaign has been a powerful force for standing up to the Kentucky education bureaucracy,鈥� Kentucky Students First said. 鈥淧erpetuating the low performance of Kentucky鈥檚 education system is a disservice to our children and our Commonwealth. Kentucky students deserve better, and our resolve to serve students over systems remains unchanged.鈥�

A lot of money has been spent trying to sway voters on Amendment 2, with both sides reporting , according to the final pre-election finance reports. Beshear and Paul both took to airwaves in ads sponsored by political action committees. Most of the $16 million came from outside Kentucky, with much of it from 鈥渄ark money鈥� groups which structure themselves in a way that lets them keep their donors鈥� names private.

Days , Paul heralded Amendment 2, saying it would allow 鈥渢he legislature to do what they鈥檙e supposed to do 鈥� debate how best we should get education for our kids.鈥� Beshear decried the amendment as 鈥渁 blank check to Frankfort politicians.鈥�

Amendment 2 would have suspended seven sections of the state Constitution to allow public money to flow to nonpublic schools. The legislation for the amendment was earlier this year and an attempt to overcome constitutional hurdles cited by Kentucky courts striking down earlier charter school and private school tax credit laws.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Kentucky Lantern maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jamie Lucke for questions: info@kentuckylantern.com. Follow Kentucky Lantern on and .

Four Republicans prevailed in five contested Texas State Board of Education races Tuesday night, solidifying a GOP majority on the board responsible for determining what the state鈥檚 5.5 million public school children learn in the classroom.

Factoring in the election results, the board now comprises 10 Republicans and five Democrats. Democrats regained a seat after it was vacated by Aicha Davis, who stepped down to run for the Texas House.

Republican incumbents Tom Maynard (District 10), Pam Little (District 12) and Aaron Kinsey (District 15) defeated their Democratic challengers, while Republican Brandon Hall, who ousted longtime GOP incumbent Patricia 鈥淧at鈥� Hardy (District 11) in the March primary, was also victorious.

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In the race for the District 1 seat currently held by El Paso Democrat Melissa Ortega, who decided not to seek another term, Democrat Gustavo Reveles defeated Republican challenger Michael 鈥淭ravis鈥� Stevens.

Democrats Marisa Perez-Diaz (District 3) and Staci Childs (District 4), both of whom ran uncontested, held onto their seats. Tiffany Clark, a Democrat running to fill the District 13 seat vacated by Davis, also won after running unchallenged.

The 15 members on the board play an extraordinary role in determining what students learn in the classroom and what鈥檚 required for kids to graduate, as well as in overseeing to support Texas public schools.

The stakes of were especially high this year, since the group鈥檚 responsibilities next year could include revising Texas鈥� social studies curriculum. Some conservatives on the Republican-dominated board campaigned on the idea that public schools are harming children with how they teach America鈥檚 history of racism and its diversity.

The board in recent months has fielded complaints about a Texas Education Agency-proposed curriculum that, if approved later this month, would insert into elementary school reading and language arts lessons. The group has on a long-awaited Native Studies course, covering the culture and history of tribes and nations across Texas and the U.S. And in recent years, the board has over their messaging on climate change and its to school vouchers, a program that would set aside public tax dollars for parents to pay their children鈥檚 private school tuition.

Of the eight races this year, here are the results of the five contested ones.

District 1

Democrat Gustavo Reveles defeated Republican Michael 鈥淭ravis鈥� Stevens in , which encompasses El Paso County and part of Bexar County.

Reveles, who currently serves as communications director for the Canutillo school district outside of El Paso, said he ran to ensure that Texas鈥� border community continues to have a presence at the state level. While acknowledging that he has not worked as a teacher or an educator, Reveles said the board needs people who respect educators as leaders and experts in the field. Top of mind for Reveles is helping ensure that students of all backgrounds feel represented in curricula. He also would like to see a more rigorous approval process of , which are publicly funded but privately managed.

District 10

In , which includes Bell County and part of Williamson County, Republican defeated Democrat Raquel S谩enz Ortiz.

Maynard, of Florence, has served on the board for 11 years. He is currently the chair of the board鈥檚 Committee on School Finance and helps oversee the known as the Permanent School Fund. With more than 30 years in education, Maynard spent more than a dozen of them as an agricultural science teacher. He also worked as of the Texas FFA Association. Maynard鈥檚 priorities include improving the quality of instructional materials, creating and implementing a library book review process and completing revisions to the social studies and mathematics standards as some of his top priorities. He also has said he opposes so-called 鈥渨oke ideologies鈥� in public education, , and has vowed to 鈥渃ontinue to fight to ensure students are not subject to radical and inappropriate content in Texas classrooms.鈥�

District 11

In , which includes Parker County and part of Tarrant County, Republican Brandon Hall defeated Democrat Rayna Glasser and Green Party candidate Hunter Crow.

Hall is a youth pastor who has described Texas as having 鈥渁 broken public education system鈥� where kids 鈥渇ace an onslaught against their innocence鈥� 鈥� particularly with how America鈥檚 history of racism is taught in classrooms and what he has called 鈥渙bscene library books鈥� and a 鈥渟exualized agenda.鈥� Hall his commitment 鈥渢o making quality, conservative education a reality for all students鈥� and to establish charter schools more easily. He also wants parents to 鈥減lay a central role in shaping the educational trajectory of their children.鈥�

District 12

In , which includes Collin County, Republican Pam Little defeated Democrat George King.

Little, of Fairview, has served on the board since 2019 and is currently the group鈥檚 vice chair. A co-owner of a fence company, she has taught courses in small business management in community college, according to her . Little has voted against presenting a 鈥渂iased view鈥� of the fossil fuel industry and social studies standards that 鈥渨ater down our history,鈥� according to her . She listed as her accomplishments while on the board, among other things, implementing phonics-based curriculum standards, approving personal financial literacy education and updating the Texas Dyslexia Handbook.

District 15

In , which includes Ector and Lubbock counties, Republican Aaron Kinsey defeated Democrat Morgan Kirkpatrick and Libertarian Jack Westbrook.

Kinsey, of Midland, was elected to the board in 2022 and appointed chair by Gov. last December. Kinsey is a former Air Force pilot who now oversees an aviation oil field services company in Midland, according to . At the Texas Republican Party Convention this year, Kinsey acknowledged he did not know much about the State Board of Education prior to running but that he did 鈥渦nderstand the greatness of Texas鈥� and that his family鈥檚 values were not being represented in public schools. Among Kinsey鈥檚 top priorities, he said at the convention, is for schools to teach Texas children 鈥渉ow to think and not to hate themselves.鈥� He also advocated for curricula that embrace 鈥渃apitalism and self-reliance as nobel quests.鈥� Kinsey proclaimed at the end of his speech: 鈥淵ou have a chairman who will fight for these three-letter words: G-O鈥揇, G-O-P, and U-S-A.鈥�

This article originally appeared in , a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.

LINCOLN 鈥� Voters on Tuesday resoundingly rejected Nebraska鈥檚 new school voucher or scholarship program, steering public dollars spent to public schools.

Supporters of using state tax dollars to offset the costs of a private K-12 education have argued that families unhappy with their public schools need more options.

But rural and urban supporters of public schools, the Nebraska State Education Association and private foundations supporting public schools won the day.

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Tim Royers, president of the Nebraska State Education Association, said he was proud to see right- and left-leaning counties agree that vouchers were the wrong choice.

鈥淚t confirms what we knew, the majority of Nebraskans don鈥檛 want public dollars going to private schools,鈥� Royers said. 鈥淲hat really stood out to me is the consistency.鈥�

Royers hopes state senators move on

Royers said he is hopeful that state senators will follow the will of the voters and move onto other more pressing issues in education that teachers and parents can work on together.

Support Our Schools argued that diverting even small amounts of public money toward private K-12 schools with a scholarship program or vouchers risked long-term support for public education.

They pointed to the experiences in other states with voucher programs, including neighboring Iowa, which has seen the national rankings of its public schools slide since that program began.

They argued that school choice programs typically end up largely benefiting the people already making the choice to send their children to private schools.

And they said such programs risked creating greater concentrations of poverty in some schools by draining them of students who often act as stabilizing force.

Lawmakers plan to keep working for choice

State Sen. Lou Ann Linehan of Omaha and other lawmakers backing 鈥渙pportunity scholarships鈥� have already said they plan to keep working for school choice regardless of the outcome of Tuesday鈥檚 election.

Linehan, in a statement, said the teachers union and Support Our Schools spent two years and $7 million distorting the truth 鈥渋n their endless pursuit to keep opportunity away from kids.鈥�

鈥淚 am confident Nebraskans and the leaders in this state will continue fighting to keep kids first,鈥� Linehan said.

The first version of Nebraska鈥檚 school choice law, passed in 2023, provided a tax credit for those donating to a scholarship fund for private K-12 education. After passage, those opposing the law launched a petition drive to put the issue before voters.

2023 law replaced in 2024

Linehan sidestepped that referendum by replacing the law in the 2024 legislative session.

She and other lawmakers transformed the program into a $10 million annual state appropriation for private school vouchers, to be run through the office of State Treasurer Tom Briese, a Linehan ally.

The Support Our Schools campaign, with support from public school proponents, including Omaha Public Schools supporter Susie Buffett, collected the necessary signatures a second time to challenge the law on the ballot.

Royers, new president of the NSEA, and Jenni Benson of Support Our Schools, the previous NSEA leader, have said Linehan should not have tried to avoid letting voters weigh in on an unpopular program.

Families of some children attending private schools through the precursor program, Opportunity Scholarships, or through the latest version have said they can鈥檛 afford private school tuition without such financial help.

State Sen. Justin Wayne of Omaha, a Democrat who supports school choice, has said parents cannot afford to wait for public school systems to improve. They need help for their kids now, he said.

Jeremy Ekeler, executive director of Opportunity Scholarships of Nebraska, said his group and supporters of the program have focused on helping families who couldn鈥檛 wait for school districts and systems to change.

鈥淲hile tonight we did not see the results that we hoped for, those thousands of Nebraska families who finally have access to the right educational fit for their children thanks to LB 1402 will make their voices heard for years to come,鈥� he said.

It remains to be seen whether other lawmakers will offer a similar proposal in 2025. Linehan and Wayne are both term-limited and won鈥檛 return to the Legislature next year.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Nebraska Examiner maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Cate Folsom for questions: info@nebraskaexaminer.com. Follow Nebraska Examiner on and .

showed that candidates backed by the powerful Chicago Teachers Union won four seats, one of them unopposed. Meanwhile, pro-school choice candidates backed by wealthy donors won three seats, with three seats won by independent candidates.

The independents include a rapper who beat three opponents on the city鈥檚 South Side. said he ran to ensure that every school gets a registered nurse, a librarian, counselors, tutors, support staff and quality arts instruction.

The 10 new board members will join 11 others who will be appointed in coming weeks by Mayor Brandon Johnson, a former teacher and union organizer.

鈥淭here’s a lot going on here,鈥� said Hugo Jacobo of , a nonprofit that supports independent school board candidates.

Groups that advocate for charter schools spent about $3 million on the race, The Chicago Sun-Times , with the union spending about $1.6 million on its endorsed candidates through its own political action committees and at least eight other PACs. Other estimates show the union spending more than on the races.

The union鈥檚 preferred candidate came up empty in District 3, one of Chicago鈥檚 most politically progressive areas. A reform-oriented candidate, , beat union-endorsed candidate by 12 percentage points, despite a reported $300,000 in donations. The union painted a more positive picture Tuesday night, with President Stacy Davis Gates , 鈥淏illionaires spent a lot of money to get three out of 21,鈥� referring to the larger board that will eventually be seated. 鈥淚 keep telling you, it鈥檚 cumulative. It keeps getting bigger and it keeps growing. And we want more people for this group project.鈥�

Tuesday鈥檚 results push Chicago Public Schools, the fourth-largest school system in the United States, into a new phase, with observers saying a fully elected board could improve schools and make them more responsive to parents and taxpayers. 

But whether the shift will curb the system鈥檚 recent chaos is another matter. 

Last month, the entire seven-member board resigned after Mayor Brandon Johnson threatened to oust schools CEO Pedro Martinez. Johnson had appointed six of the seven members . 

He brought in a new board, but a week later the newly appointed president, the Rev. Mitchell Ikenna Johnson, after news reports revealed he鈥檇 written antisemitic and sexist posts on social media and posted that he agreed with a theory that the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks were an 鈥渋nside job.鈥�

Tuesday鈥檚 split result, while offering what will likely be a variety of perspectives on finances, management and curriculum, is bound to be just the beginning of a new, and perhaps even more tumultuous era 鈥� for one thing, all 21 seats, including the 10 from Tuesday, will be on the ballot in 2026.

“This first cycle was really a warm-up for 2026, when all 21 seats are up for election and the stakes are real,鈥� said Peter Cunningham, a former head of communications for the district and founder of the nonprofit .

Cunningham, who also served as a spokesman for U.S. Education Secretary Arne Duncan, said Tuesday鈥檚 election 鈥渂ecame a referendum on Mayor Johnson and the teacher’s union because of the chaos at the board over the last few months. They did not get a clear mandate to pursue their more controversial policy proposals, but they will likely do it anyway because this is their last chance to control the board.”

The range of ideologies among fully elected board members could fuel further drama, said Meredith Paige, a mother of two high schoolers and leader of , an advocacy group.

鈥淭he chaos is going to continue,鈥� she said.

From appointed to elected board  

For nearly 30 years, Chicago鈥檚 mayors have enjoyed the right to appoint and dismiss board members, with the city standing for decades as one of just a handful with mayoral control 鈥� New York City, Boston, Washington, D.C. and Detroit are among others where mayors still wield considerable power over school policy. 

Until now, Chicago Public Schools was also the school district in Illinois that didn鈥檛 have an elected board. But the state legislature in 2021 ordered the city to transition to a fully elected, 21-seat board. 

It may take a while for the changes to sink in with voters, said Paige, who canvassed in neighborhoods last week and met 鈥渁 lot of people who had no idea that there was a school board election.鈥� Others believed Chicago already had an elected school board. 鈥淪o that’s been a problem the whole time,鈥� she said. 鈥淓ven now, parents don’t understand how this is going to work.鈥�

Among the first business items the hybrid board will face in coming months: whether to terminate the contract of Martinez, the schools CEO, who has served since 2021. They must also decide whether to approve Johnson鈥檚 push to borrow hundreds of millions of dollars to defray short-term expenses, including a $175 million pension payment for non-teaching employees.

The district faces a projected deficit of $505 million next fall, due partly to rising healthcare costs and the expiration of federal ESSER pandemic funds. Johnson鈥檚 predecessor, Mayor Lori Lightfoot, also shifted hundreds of millions of dollars in pension costs from City Hall, which had historically underwritten them, to the district.

And the city is also hemorrhaging students: enrollment has dropped by 20%, or more than 80,000 students, since 2010.

In July, Martinez and the school board proposed a $9.9 billion budget that aimed to close the deficit through staff cuts and freezes affecting nearly 250 jobs. The board authorized the budget as written, but relations between the mayor and the district soured. 

Johnson has proposed taking out a $300 million loan to fund teacher pay increases and pension contributions, and he in October for comparing his critics to confederates who opposed freeing slaves 鈥渂ecause it would be too expensive.”

Even if both sides agree on a new source of spending, the district and the union are also engaged in a contentious negotiation over the terms of the next teacher contract. One estimate said paying out an expected series of teacher raises and taking on more pension debt from the city could increase its deficit to nearly $1 billion. 

Despite Johnson鈥檚 bid to fire Martinez, the CEO remains popular, said Jacobo of Chicago Democrats for Education. 鈥淗e’s the only one really concerned about the financial situation of our city and our school district system, so people want someone responsible like him to stay.鈥�

Paige, the parent advocate, agreed. 鈥淭he mayor and CTU want to fire the CEO, who has brought a lot of stability to the district. So there’s a lot of frustration over that.鈥�

She said the bitter, two-week in 2019 is also having lingering effects: 鈥淭here’s still a lot of toxicity in the system over that 鈥� and just a general鈥� she hesitated, 鈥溾�榝rustration鈥� is the nicest word I can think of right now 鈥� that the mayor seems so disconnected from reality of the financials that he wants to put the district in peril to pay the teacher’s contract.鈥�

The state legislature has given Chicago until 2027 to transition to a fully elected board, and despite the challenges, Jacobo said the change will be welcome.

鈥淚’m very glad that there will be a number of these new school board elected members who honestly are just not beholden to anyone but the parents, the voters in their district,鈥� he said. 鈥淎nd when they talk, when they speak, it’ll be with a perspective of what is best for their community. I think it’s one step forward, but a lot of work to go.鈥� 

One day after the 2024 election, Gov. Bill Lee and lawmakers rolled out a recycled 鈥渦niversal鈥� private-school voucher program designed to gain support from teachers and school districts with extra spending.

The measure doesn鈥檛 have a funding estimate attached, but lawmakers placed $144 million in this year鈥檚 budget for a plan that failed to pass, and the new proposal could cost another $275 million, plus funds to give teachers a one-time $2,000 bonus. In addition, 80% of all sports wagering money is to be dedicated to building and maintaining K-12 public schools.

Lee鈥檚 plan would provide 20,000 鈥渟cholarships鈥� worth $7,075 for students to enroll in private schools in 2025-26 with 10,000 of those for students from families at or below 300% of the maximum income to qualify for free or reduced-price lunches 鈥� which is estimated to be nearly $175,000 per household income. Students with disabilities and those in the state鈥檚 education savings account program would be eligible too.

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Some 350 private schools would be eligible to participate in the program and would be required to administer the state鈥檚 standardized test or one that fits their curriculum, but the bill says they would maintain educational freedom.

The state would add 5,000 鈥渟cholarships鈥� each year once 75% of them are provided to students.

In introducing the bill, Lee and key lawmakers said they want to offer students a chance at educational success 鈥渞egardless of their ZIP code.鈥�

鈥淕iving parents the ability to choose for their child will provide more opportunities and reduce poverty throughout our state,鈥� said House Speaker Cameron Sexton, who opposed the school voucher program in 2019. 鈥淚ncreased competition for a student鈥檚 enrollment will make schools, school systems and administrators meet the need for a higher quality of education.鈥�

Lawmakers failed to pass a similar bill proposed by the governor earlier this year when the Senate and House couldn鈥檛 agree to widely disparate versions. The House bill contained funding to give teachers more money for insurance as well as for districts to maintain school buildings. The Senate version allowed students to transfer to any public district in the state.

Lee told reporters Wednesday this is the legislation鈥檚 鈥渘ext step鈥� and said he believes lawmakers are 鈥渕oving in that direction鈥� to pass the bill. General Assembly leaders have tried to address members鈥� concerns in writing the bill, he said.

House Majority Leader William Lamberth said in a statement the bill 鈥渓eaves no stone unturned when it comes to providing the very best educational path to set the next generation up for success.鈥� He said the measure will allow public schools to remain the foundation for Tennessee鈥檚 education system while enabling parents instead of the governor to determine which route helps their children the most.

The press release also says the bill 鈥渆nsures state funding to school districts will never decrease due to disenrollment,鈥� and the governor backed that up Wednesday.

One of opponents鈥� biggest complaints has been that private-school vouchers will drain money from public schools.

Yet the bill says a school district鈥檚 funding 鈥渟hall not decrease from one year to the next year due to the disenrollment of students.鈥� If districts lose students, the state would have to pay additional funds to those districts to cover those transfers for just one year.

In addition, the bill denies 鈥渟cholarships鈥� to undocumented students, even though a 1982 Supreme Court case, Plyler v. Doe, prohibits states from denying students a free public education based on immigration status.

Democratic Sen. Jeff Yarbro of Nashville said it is clear the governor is trying to buy teachers鈥� support with bonus pay.

鈥淚t鈥檚 offensive that this voucher con job, which quite clearly will make it nearly impossible for Tennessee to keep paying teachers what they deserve, is being accompanied by this one-time token money,鈥� Yarbro said.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Tennessee Lookout maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Holly McCall for questions: info@tennesseelookout.com. Follow Tennessee Lookout on and .

This was produced by  a nonprofit, nonpartisan news outlet focused on education.

Over the past few years, it鈥檚 become clear that states need more money to support kids.  is long gone, but effects from  still linger, evident in persistent child care shortages and ongoing child behavioral and mental health concerns. Now, states are increasingly trying to generate new sources of money to support young children, although in at least one state, a ballot measure was designed to pull back on just these kinds of efforts.

At least a dozen measures were on ballots across the country Tuesday, proposing tax increases or new revenue streams to pay for child care and other child-focused services. Voters overwhelmingly chose to maintain or increase spending on these initiatives 鈥� though there were some holdouts.

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Here鈥檚 a look at how early childhood fared this election: ()

Child care:

 Washington state:  aimed to repeal a capital gains tax that passed in 2021 and has since provided child care subsidies and money for select child care programs. By failing, the tax and funding stream for child care will remain in place. 

 Travis County, Texas:  called for a property tax increase to raise more than $75 million to create affordable child care spots and mitigate the loss of federal pandemic funds for local child care programs. 

 St. Paul, Minnesota: The 2024 Early Care and Learning Proposal is a property tax levy aimed at providing public funding to child care. The city would raise $2 million the first year and add an additional $2 million each year until year 10, with this money going into a special early care and education fund that would . (The city鈥檚 mayor, Melvin Carter, said he was  if it passed). 

Sonoma County, California:  asked voters to approve a quarter-cent countywide sales tax to create a local revenue stream that would help pay for child care and children鈥檚 health programs, with a special emphasis on children who experience homelessness. The initiative gained over 20,000 signatures from registered voters to qualify for the November ballot. 

 La Plata County, Colorado:  will redirect up to 70 percent of revenue from a lodger鈥檚 tax toward child care and affordable housing. 

 Grand County, Colorado: Ballot Measure 1A will increase the county鈥檚 lodging tax from 1.8 percent to 2 percent, with the revenue paying for tourism, housing and child care. 

 Montrose, Colorado:  will increase the city鈥檚 hotel tax and put 17 percent of the revenue toward local child care. 

Early childhood health, education and well-being:

 Platte County, Missouri:  measure calls for a quarter cent sales tax increase to create a revenue stream for mental health programs, including early childhood screening. 

Pomona County, California:  aims to reallocate at least 10 percent of funds in an existing city general fund to create a Department of Children and Youth. The funds would also be used to pay for youth programs, child care and support for parents. 

Santa Cruz, California:  proposed a $0.02 per ounce tax on sugar-sweetened beverages to raise funds that can be used for youth mental health and programs for children. 

 Colorado:  aims to establish a $39 million fund by imposing a 6.5 percent excise tax on guns and ammunition. While most of the money is directed at crime victim and veterans mental health services, $3 million will fund behavioral health services for children. 

 Missouri:  would have established a new gambling boat license, with the estimated $14 million in revenue funding public school early childhood literacy programs. 

 Nevada:  on the ballot this year gave voters the chance to exempt diapers from sales tax, starting on January 1, 2025. 

Several GOP wins in the Texas House of Representatives on Tuesday will expand Republicans鈥� existing majority, giving Abbott an estimated 87 of 150 seats in the lower chamber. When lawmakers reconvene in January, that could finally give him the votes needed to successfully put forth legislation that offers a universal voucher, or education savings account 鈥� a proposal that many Democrats and rural Republican lawmakers have rejected in past legislative sessions.

鈥淔rankly, it was a bit surprising that Abbott pulled this off,鈥� said Jon Taylor, a political scientist at the University of Texas at San Antonio. 

With flips of Democratic seats in Corpus Christi and Uvalde, the GOP now enjoys an 87-to-63 margin in the House. He noted, 鈥淎t a minimum, the Legislature is likely to pass some form of an Education Savings Account plan,鈥� which families could use to cover tuition or other expenses. 

Taylor added that two House districts in San Antonio came close to flipping the other way, from Republican to Democratic, but fell short by about four percentage points apiece, handing the seats to pro-ESA Republicans.

Abbott, who first began pushing for school choice , has aggressively fought for it ever since. In 2023, he called lawmakers into four special legislative sessions to pass a school choice bill, among other measures, and has proposed giving students about $10,500 per year, overseen by the state comptroller. 

He has also worked over the past year to oust lawmakers who fought his proposal to offer ESAs to all students, not just those whose families are low-income.

With deep pockets, Abbott targets ESA foes

Late last year, Abbott began actively campaigning against members of his own party who stood in his way, portraying them as weak on important issues like border security and property tax relief. He was aided by deep-pocketed donors and political action committees that poured millions of dollars into state legislative races.

Jeff Yass, a well-known school choice proponent and investor in TikTok parent company Byte Dance, contributed more than in this political cycle, while Miriam Adelson, owner of the Las Vegas Sands casinos, spent about , making the pair 鈥� residents of Pennsylvania and Nevada, respectively 鈥� Texas鈥� two biggest political donors.

Last spring, the effort helped persuade voters to unseat eight House Republicans who had blocked ESAs. One of them, of San Antonio, said in a September interview with 蜜桃影视 that he opposed Abbott鈥檚 plan because Texas families already have many options, from magnet schools to charters to a program that lets students in low-performing schools transfer to a better-performing school. Lawmakers, he said, have approved countless programs that provide 鈥渃hoice on top of choice on top of choice鈥� within districts.

Abbott is already doing a victory lap. Taking to the social media site X , he wrote, 鈥淓very candidate that I backed in Texas House general election races won tonight. We even had Republican candidates win seats that had been held by Democrats. There are more than enough votes to pass school choice in Texas.鈥�

Katherine Munal, policy and advocacy director of , said Tuesday鈥檚 election results in Texas mark 鈥渁 significant victory for school choice advocates, signaling a continued momentum for policies that prioritize parental empowerment and educational freedom.鈥�

Texas, she said, 鈥渋s poised to expand opportunities for students and families, allowing them to access a wider range of educational options that best meet their needs. This shift reflects a broader recognition of the importance of individualized education and the belief that every child deserves the opportunity to thrive in an environment that works for them.鈥�

Mark P. Jones, a political scientist at Rice University, said that for Abbott, 鈥渢he night really couldn’t have gone better.鈥� 

The question now, he said, isn鈥檛 whether school choice will succeed in Texas in 2025. 鈥淚t’s really what form of school choice legislation will pass. How robust and expansive will it be?鈥�

The most likely scenario, he said, would have Abbott offering an ambitious proposal with more students covered than in his 2023 plan, and with less money going to school districts that lose students to ESAs.

While foes of Abbott鈥檚 plan can probably still negotiate to help districts, he said any hope that Democrats and anti-school-choice Republicans had of blocking choice in 2025 鈥渧anished last night.鈥�

Abbott has pushed for ESAs despite recent polling that isn鈥檛 necessarily conclusive: of respondents to a recent University of Texas survey said they support spending taxpayer dollars to help families pay for private school. Meanwhile, a poll from the University of Houston and Texas Southern University found 65% support.  

The Texas Education Agency last year estimated that about 500,000 children, or about half of the state鈥檚 private school and homeschooled students, would apply for the program in its first stages, with more each cycle. The figures prompted Democratic Rep. James Talarico during a legislative hearing that it would be 鈥渁 massive transfer of wealth from the bottom to the top.鈥�

He added, 鈥淚t鈥檚 welfare for the wealthy.鈥�

Elsewhere on Tuesday, voters in two states 鈥� Kentucky and Nebraska 鈥� defeated voucher-related ballot measures. A third measure, in Colorado, appeared headed for defeat.

McCormick, a Democrat and career educator who pledged to focus on school funding and academic freedom, lost by a wide margin 鈥� 鈥� with 92% of precincts reporting. 

Braun, 70, will succeed Republican Gov. Eric Holcomb, who was unable to run again because of term limits. 

A former school board member who cited faith, family and community as his central concerns, Braun said Tuesday that serving in government is far easier than running a business, as he had for decades: He was founder and CEO of Meyer Distributing, an auto parts and equipment company he built in his hometown of Jasper. 

鈥淚n government, you just have to be smart enough to not spend more than you take in,鈥� he told supporters. 

Braun served as a state representative from 2014 to 2017. He resigned in November 2017 to concentrate on his run for U.S. Senate. 

His multi-point plan for education focused on expanding the state鈥檚 popular school voucher program, which grew to encompass more than 鈥� a 31% increase from the year before.

Braun is also a staunch supporter of parents鈥� rights and has, in the past, . He said parents should be informed if their child seeks to use a different name or pronouns and that transgender girls 鈥� whom he calls biological males 鈥� should not compete in girls鈥� sports. 

His new lieutenant governor, pastor Micah Beckwith, co-hosts a podcast called “Jesus, Sex and Politics.” He raised ire when he said in 2021 that God had . Beckwith wasn鈥檛 Braun鈥檚 first choice: Indiana鈥檚 GOP delegates chose him in a stunning vote at the party鈥檚 convention in June, rejecting Braun鈥檚 pick, first-term . 

Despite the shakeup, the pair trounced McCormick and running mate , a former school superintendent and state representative. 

Among his many pledges, Braun has vowed to create an Indiana Office of School Safety to streamline several departments and implement age-appropriate cyber safety training for students. 

He also said the state should limit cellphone use in schools and favors curtailing some speech in classrooms.  

鈥淲e need to protect our children by making sure divisive theories like [critical race theory] or discussions about sexual orientation and gender identity have no place in our public schools,鈥� his campaign website said. 

Braun also wants to increase the base salaries for Indiana鈥檚 public school teachers and financially reward educators whose students perform well. 

Indiana has not elected since 2000. Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump won the state handily over Democrat Kamala Harris 58.9% to 39.4%. 

Stein, who will be the state鈥檚 first Jewish governor, has singled out improving the state鈥檚 schools as his top priority as he switches roles from attorney general. He will succeed current Democratic governor Roy Cooper, who could not seek re-election as his term expired. 

Though his win was anticipated by experts as the Robinson campaign crumbled in the wake of multiple scandals over the last few weeks, the vote was historic for North Carolina, which typically sees wins below a 4-point margin. Stein claimed a .

In September, as polls began showing favor for Stein, reported Robinson called himself a 鈥淏lack Nazi鈥� and said 鈥渟lavery is not bad鈥� on a porn site. His staffers quit and donations dried up. Former endorser President Donald Trump distanced himself.

Addressing supporters on election night after the race was called, moderate Stein rejected 鈥渉ate鈥� and re-emphasized his commitment to working across party lines for progress. 

鈥淲e have big challenges ahead, but we have even bigger dreams to realize,鈥� . 鈥溾�e must reject the politics of division, fear and hate that keep us from finding common ground. We will go further when we go together. Not as Democrats, not as Republicans, not as independents, but as North Carolinians.鈥�

For schools, Stein campaigned on plans to improve youth mental health by recruiting counselors, nurses and social workers; increasing teacher pay; expanding career and vocational education; and providing universal school meals. Stein was endorsed by the state鈥檚 teachers union.聽

Robinson, in contrast, threatened to reject billions of federal funding for education and campaigned on expanding the voucher system that allows families to attend private schools with public funding. 

Robinson鈥檚 flare for hateful, anti-LGBTQ and misogynistic rhetoric, condemned by the NAACP, would have also likely fueled disrespect for educators, whom he called 鈥�,鈥� and distrust for the department of education, which he had said he wanted to get rid of entirely. 

While electing Stein, voters split their ballots to support Trump, but also elected a Democratic schools chief, overlooking party affinities in the interest of their childrens鈥� education. Democrat Mo Green, a large-district superintendent, claimed victory early Wednesday morning for state superintendent, earning more votes than right-wing homeschooling advocate and January 6 insurrectionist . 

Governor-elect Stein grew up in Chapel Hill, a college town, before studying history, law and government. He taught English and economics in Zimbabwe and served as a state senator for seven years before becoming attorney general in 2017. 

Stein has also promised to protect abortion rights, in a state where Republican lawmakers are discussing restricting access with a 6-week ban. 

A critical seat in the state legislature also flipped Democrat this Election Day, , . The body may now be forced to negotiate more with Stein. 

This story was published in collaboration with Headway, a new initiative at The New York Times. Chalkbeat and Headway have been to educators and high school students since February. We have heard from more than 1,000 students and 200 teachers across the nation.

This presidential election year, young Americans are navigating a chaotic world of information, often with limited tools to distinguish what鈥檚 credible, what鈥檚 questionable, and what鈥檚 downright false.

A found that while many young people can detect images generated by artificial intelligence with ease, they struggle to differentiate news from commentary and advertisements and regularly encounter conspiracy theories on social media. Eight in 10 respondents said they believed at least one of those conspiracy theories.

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and their peers told us that they regularly encountered false information online about the election between Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald J. Trump. Some teachers have dedicated and fact-checking.

And many students have told us they have gained confidence in spotting falsehoods. We asked more than 1,000 students about what tips them off that a piece of information might be false or misleading, what鈥檚 their approach to verifying information, and what advice they have for other teenagers. Here鈥檚 what we heard.

Responses have been edited and condensed for length and clarity.

How teens know if information is sketchy, made up or manipulated

鈥淚f the content I鈥檓 seeing is triggering an extreme emotional reaction in me 鈥� rage, fear or joy, to name a few 鈥� without offering nuanced context, it leads me to think that it might be designed to mislead. When I encounter something that seems absolutely certain about morally and politically complex topics, such as the Israel-Hamas war, without acknowledging alternative views or uncertainties, I suspect it鈥檚 oversimplifying reality to push an agenda.鈥�

鈥� Sena Chang, 18

College freshman at Princeton University in New Jersey

鈥淎rticles that sound sketchy, made up, or manipulated are a red flag. Some media sources get rid of the bits and pieces of context that make a situation understandable. And media outlets sometimes contradict each other. Check and cross-check media. When a true piece of media spreads like wildfire, some media outlets will try and get attention from the situation and end up spreading lies about the situation. That鈥檚 why I find most articles about popular controversies annoyingly eye-rolling.鈥�

鈥� Antonette Davis, 14

Freshman at Central High School in Philadelphia

A single source doesn鈥檛 cut it for verifying what鈥檚 true

鈥淚 verify my information by getting it from multiple sources, not just people online who are crediting the original article I read. I also look at the information presented in the article from the perspective of a person who doesn鈥檛 know anything about the topic and see if the article and the ideas presented still make sense.鈥�

鈥� Yoni Zacks, 17

Senior at the Blake School in Minneapolis.

鈥淢ore often than not I look it up on Google and read about it on a more reliable website. For example, if an article makes a claim about a piece of legislation, I try to find the full text of the cited legislation to better understand what it鈥檚 saying.鈥�

鈥� Olivia Garrison, 17

Graduated in 2023 from Davidson Academy in Reno, Nevada

鈥淭here鈥檚 a tool called Google Reverse Image Search that I use to check the origins of viral images or memes to see where they first appeared and if they鈥檝e been repurposed out of context. During events like the presidential debate, I also looked at multiple websites offering real-time fact-checking like The New York Times to help contextualize what I was hearing and identify when what the candidates were saying was misinformation.鈥�

鈥� Sena Chang

鈥淭o verify information, I try to listen directly to candidates or their campaigns. I find this is the easiest way to understand the candidate鈥檚 policy plans, opinions on certain issues, and overall decorum. While commentary can be helpful, it often includes opinions that make me perceive certain things a certain way. Therefore, I find it important to directly hear from a political candidate first. Afterward, I listen to and watch video media with commentary. It helps me compare my understanding to someone else鈥檚 and clarify things I might not have fully understood.鈥�

鈥� Meghan Pierce, 18

Freshman at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign in Champaign, Illinois

How young people navigate a world of misinformation

鈥淎s a teenager, I get a lot of my information from social media. I know many other teenagers get their information this way, too, so my word of advice is to be aware of the algorithm and how you鈥檙e fed information usually from one side. You鈥檙e not getting the complete story, so do your research instead of trusting one source!鈥�

鈥� Emma Luu, 17

Junior at Pine Creek High School in Colorado Springs, Colorado

鈥淐heck anything you think is misleading with a quick search and cross-check if it鈥檚 legitimate or not.鈥�

鈥� Arnav Goyal, 14

Freshman at Olentangy Liberty High School in Powell, Ohio

鈥淏ecome aware of media bias, and do your best to consider different perspectives and stay open-minded while being aware of media bias.鈥�

鈥� Lucas Robbins, 17

Senior at Mandela International Magnet School in Santa Fe, New Mexico

鈥淢y (unpopular) take is that fact-checking is easier than it seems. 鈥� 鈥婼ocial media serves as an integral egalitarian news source where anyone can create and share primary source information no matter where they live in the world. However, using social media as a sole source of information can be dangerous. Sometimes even recognizing satirical news sources is hard 鈥� I have been a victim of thinking The Onion was a real news source. You don鈥檛 have to research every single headline you ever see. The internet can be an overload of information at times, and choosing to disconnect is a skill young people need. However, if you see something that raises eyebrows, understanding the context is just a Google search away.鈥�

鈥� Kush Kaur, 17

Freshman at Collin College in McKinney, Texas

Teenagers are inundated daily with a mix of credible information and fake news. Out of necessity, they鈥檙e sharpening their instincts to identify misinformation and building skills to verify or debunk it. Their advice is clear: Stay mindful of algorithmic influence, avoid relying on a single source, and remember that it鈥檚 OK to step back when it all feels overwhelming.

Need more insights? Explore the resources below.

Caroline Bauman is the deputy managing editor for engagement at Chalkbeat. Reach her at cbauman@chalkbeat.org.

Erica Meltzer is the national editor at Chalkbeat, where she covers education policy and politics. Reach her at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org

This was originally published by . Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools. Sign up for their newsletters at .

Over the last several months, 蜜桃影视 has taken a look at some of the biggest education issues at play during the 2024 election cycle. Here鈥檚 an overview of the federal, state and local races and ballot measures that are poised to impact students, teachers and families the most. 

The White House 

In the first presidential debate of this election season between former President Donald Trump and President Joe Biden, the candidates were asked a question that was top of mind for parents and child advocates:

鈥淚n your second term, what would you do to make child care more affordable?鈥� asked Trump during that June debate. 

But rather than focus on children, many critics said the two candidates behaved like them.

Even after Biden dropped out of the race and Vice President Kamala Harris stepped in as the Democratic party鈥檚 presidential nominee and tapped Minnesota Governor Tim Walz, a former public high school teacher, as her pick for the vice presidential candidate 鈥� education and child care still did not make it to the center stage of election season conversations.

Instead, most clues about Trump鈥檚 education policy have come from The Heritage Foundation鈥檚 Project 2025, an ambitious Republican agenda to transform the federal bureaucracy under a second Trump presidency. While Trump has denied any involvement in the creation of Project 2025, experts say the plan reflects many of the ideologies held by the former president and, if enacted, would have considerable fallout in the world of education. 

Project 2025鈥檚 chapter on education, for example, offers prescriptions for eliminating Title I grants to high-poverty schools, revising accreditation requirements under the Higher Education Act and dismantling the Department of Education, among other things. Overall, the plan seeks to reimagine the US government as a guardian of parents鈥� rights and supports school choice. 

Publicly, Trump has also said that he would pull funding from any schools that teach critical race theory or support transgender rights. 

Meanwhile, Harris has not offered much in terms of her education policy. She has made it clear that she thinks Trump鈥檚 plan to eliminate the Department of Education would be a terrible idea and has criticized his attacks on curricula taught in schools.

One item that could be on the table during a Harris presidency is a pay hike for teachers. Few may remember it now, but Harris took the biggest swing on education policy of any Democrat in the 2020 presidential primary: a $315 billion to raise teacher pay and overhaul the profession. The American Federation of Teachers, the nation鈥檚 second largest teachers union, was the first group to voice their support of Harris as a presidential candidate this summer. 

While the two candidates have vastly different aims when it comes to education, there is one area both camps seem to (mostly) agree on: Expanding the Child Tax Credit. Both the Harris and Trump campaigns have embraced proposals to expand the program, which offers relief to parents of kids under 17 years old. Depending on the election outcome, neither party may hold enough power to enact its vision, however. 

National Issues

Bible teachings in public schools: Republicans have spent a lot of energy getting the Bible into public schools. Much of the spotlight has been on Oklahoma state Superintendent Ryan Walters, who mandated that schools stock classrooms with Bibles. Louisiana passed a law requiring schools to post the 10 Commandments in classrooms, the subject of , while the Texas Education Agency has proposed a Bible-infused reading curriculum that includes stories from the Old and New testaments. 

Whether those ideas will resonate with Christian voters is harder to answer. One recent poll suggests it won鈥檛. On a long list of concerns influencing churchgoers鈥� views in this election, public schools ranked near the bottom as a reason why they would pick a presidential candidate. Instead, the economy and border security topped the list. 

School boards: Moms for Liberty, the conservative advocacy group, hasn鈥檛 been able to repeat its success at the polls since 2022, when its school board candidates were scoring victories across the country. Some say voters are clearly tired of what one researcher called the 鈥減olitics of disruption.鈥� Others believe the group鈥檚 leaders are more focused on adding members and mobilizing voters for Trump than winning local races. There have also been efforts to recruit moderates to run against conservative candidates like those from Moms for Liberty. 

A good indicator of who will win school board seats is whether the candidate has the endorsement of a teachers鈥� union. According to research out of Ohio State University and Boston College, a union endorsement increases support for candidates by as much as 20 percentage points among various voting blocs, with the effects particularly concentrated among Democrats and those who favor organized labor. Almost no group, including Republicans, responds negatively to the endorsements, the authors found.

School choice: A high-stakes political battle is brewing around school choice. GOP groups are funneling millions of dollars into state races to defeat critics of education savings accounts. In Texas, observers say, the victories by pro-ESA candidates could lead to a more conservative legislature or a potential Democratic backlash. 

It鈥檚 worth noting that voters have a history of rejecting private school choice measures at the ballot box. Recent voucher proposals garnered less than a . But advocates in three states are hoping to break that trend on Election Day. In , voters will decide whether to preserve or overturn 2023 legislation that created a private school scholarship program. Initiatives in and , if approved, could pave the way for lawmakers to create vouchers or education savings accounts in the future.

State and local races and ballot measures 

Arizona: The outcome of Arizona鈥檚 legislative races could upend what has been one of America鈥檚 most welcoming environments for school choice. Democrats, who already hold the governorship, could take control of both legislative chambers by flipping just four seats, which would make Arizona voters the first in the nation to hand over governance of an ESA program to its opponents. 

California: A single, heated school board race in Los Angeles could help decide the fate of the nation鈥檚 largest charter school sector and the LA Unified School District. Upstart vows to bring a pro-charter voice to LA Unified鈥檚 board, but faces stiff opposition from union-backed incumbent . 

Delaware: With at least eight high-level reports over the last 25 years calling for a wholesale overhaul of a Jim Crow-era school funding formula that gives more state aid to wealthy districts and shortchanges disadvantaged kids, whoever wins Delaware鈥檚 governor race will have their work cut out for them. 

Illinois: October was already destined to be a tumultuous chapter in Chicago politics, as voters prepared for the first school board elections in the city鈥檚 history. But the abrupt resignation of the city鈥檚 existing school board, and the related crisis of governance over the country鈥檚 fourth-largest school system, has magnified local divisions over finance and the role of the powerhouse Chicago Teachers Union. Now locals are wondering if the mayor can keep the district solvent 鈥� and his own administration afloat. 

Indiana: In Indiana鈥檚 governor race, GOP U.S. Senator Mike Braun, who鈥檚 been endorsed by Donald Trump, wants to expand the state鈥檚 school choice voucher program. If elected, Braun and his running mate, far-right , have pledged universal school choice for every Indiana family while focusing on parental rights and school safety. His opponent, former state schools chief Jennifer McCormick, who has the backing of the state teachers union, seeks to expand affordable child care, fight what she believes is excessive state-mandated testing and call for an equitable school funding formula. 

Massachusetts: In Massachusetts, Ballot Question 2 asks voters to decide if the MCAS exam should remain a high school graduation requirement. If it passes, Massachusetts would have no statewide graduation requirements, making it an outlier nationally. Instead, its some 300 districts would determine requirements locally. Those in favor of repealing the requirement 鈥� largely backed by the state teachers union 鈥� argue it narrows curriculum and harms students with disabilities and English language learners. Those who want to keep the test, including Gov. Maura Healey, say it鈥檚 an important accountability measure. 

Minnesota: If Kamala Harris and Tim Walz are elected in November, Minnesota鈥檚 lieutenant governor Peggy Flanagan, will become the first Indigenous woman governor in U.S. history. The daughter of a Hubert H. Humphrey campaign strategist and an Ojibwe land-rights activist 鈥� Flanagan was the youngest person elected to the Minneapolis School Board. She has promoted free school lunch and Indigenous curriculum.

North Carolina: North Carolina鈥檚 race for governor has been marked by scandal. In September, that Republican nominee Mark Robinson called himself a 鈥淏lack Nazi鈥� and posted 鈥渟lavery is not bad鈥� anonymously on a porn site. Beyond the controversies, Robinson has kept education debates centered on eradicating the presence of 鈥減olitics鈥� and 鈥渋ndoctrination鈥� in schools, and . His challenger, Democratic candidate Josh Stein, told that his top priority as governor would be to improve public education. He has also supported to address the youth mental health crisis, and wants to expand access to community colleges and Historically Black Colleges and Universities. Whoever is elected as the state鈥檚 leader will appoint individuals for , subject to confirmation by the assembly. 

Another pivotal race in North Carolina will be for superintendent. Republican candidate Michele Morrow, a homeschooler who rallied outside the U.S. Capitol on Jan 6, has a history of disparaging public schools with choice words like 鈥渋ndoctrination centers.鈥� She faces Democrat Maurice 鈥淢o鈥� Green, a lawyer and former district superintendent. Whoever wins will be responsible for more than 2,700 schools and a $13 billion education budget. 

Rhode Island: Providence, Rhode Island鈥檚 school board has been appointed by the mayor for decades, but voters will be able to pick board members again this election. The catch is that state control of the district was just extended to 2027, limiting what the new board can do. New members will still have to navigate their way out of state control as well as handle challenges with low test scores, falling enrollments, school closures and demand for more charter schools. 

EDlection 2024: Follow our analysis as winners are declared at  鈥� and get the latest results, news and investigations delivered straight to your inbox by signing up for 蜜桃影视 Newsletter.

Olympic track and field star Allyson Felix is helping moms vote in this election.

Felix, who has been an outspoken advocate for parents, is partnering with the nonpartisan organization Chamber of Mothers to raise awareness for child care support available to parents voting in North Carolina, New York and Los Angeles this election cycle. This summer, Felix secured the first Olympic child care center.

In North Carolina, Felix and Chamber of Mothers are promoting a program through the nonprofit Politisit that will of child care for parents heading to the polls. Parents just have to fill out a with information on what care they will need and how much it will cost. In western North Carolina, where Hurricane Helene caused massive destruction at the end of September, Politisit will reimburse up to a full day of care.

In Los Angeles, Brella, a child care center known for its flexible hours, will be offering for kids 3 months to 6 years of age. Similarly, in New York City and Westchester, will offer up to a full day of free care to caregivers who are voting.

, a marketplace for parents to find flexible child care in California, and , a platform for parents to find babysitters in New York, are also each donating $10,000 in child care services that parents can access by signing up through Politisit.

 is now also available for caregivers who want to book free care though Politisit and its partners. It includes additional free spots in Southern California, San Francisco, Houston, Chicago, New York, Brooklyn, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Maryland, North Carolina, Georgia and Alabama.

鈥淭his election, you don’t have to choose between voting and motherhood,鈥� Felix said in a statement. 鈥淭his election, you can do both.鈥�

Caregivers, and especially single mothers, are one of the in the country. Many say they feel 鈥渄efeated or that their vote doesn鈥檛 make a difference,鈥� said Erin Erenberg, the CEO and founder of Chamber of Mothers. Others cite the challenges of standing in potentially long lines with kids or not being able to secure care as barriers that have kept them from the ballot box.

But this election cycle, when candidates have spoken about caregiving more than ever, efforts have ramped up to help parents take part in a consequential election.

This story was originally published by .

The union鈥檚 political action committee began the 2024 cycle with $4 million in cash on hand, raised $12 million and has spent $13 million 鈥� leaving it with roughly $2 million to dole out before Election Day, according to the latest data from , the non-partisan organization that tracks money in politics.

The vast majority of its spending this election cycle 鈥� roughly $9 million 鈥� was donated to super PACs supporting Democrats and to local, state and federal candidates and parties. Among the top receivers: $3 million to the Senate Majority PAC, $1.6 to House Majority PAC, $445,000 to the Harris Victory Fund ($300,000 of which was originally donated to the Biden Victory Fund before the president stepped aside), and $420,000 to the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee.  

The AFT is traditionally one of the biggest supporters of Democrats, lending both the power of its PAC鈥檚 purse for advertising and mailings, and its strength in numbers for boots-on-the-ground get-out-the-vote operations.

Among the top 20 PACs based on contributions to Democratic candidates, total fundraising, total spent, and total spent in independent expenditures and communication costs, the AFT鈥檚 PACs place 8th. It鈥檚 donated $1.5 million to democratic congressional candidates, including to 196 House Democrats and 19 Senate Democrats.

鈥淜amala Harris and Tim Walz believe in the promise of America and will spend their time solving problems, not sowing fear, so every American can partake in that promise,鈥� AFT President Randi Weingarten said in a . 鈥淏ut it鈥檚 not just what we can gain, it鈥檚 also what we will lose with Trump and Vance: our democracy, our freedoms, our public schools, our right to have a union, a vote and a voice. Extending the ladder of opportunity or destroying it.鈥� 

鈥淯nion members get this,鈥� she said. 鈥淎nd that鈥檚 why we will fight every hour of every day for the next fortnight to get out the vote to elect candidates who proudly stand for freedom, democracy and opportunity.鈥�

Earlier this month, the AFT teamed up with the National Education Association, the Service Employees International Union and the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees 鈥� the nation鈥檚 largest public service unions 鈥� in a coordinated, multi-state voter outreach initiative across battleground states.

鈥淭his joint action represents a significant escalation of labor’s political engagement, with the unions pooling resources and mobilizing their combined membership of several million workers and includes people of all backgrounds working across the public service 鈥� as nurses, child care providers, sanitation workers, first responders, teachers, education support professionals and higher education workers, among others,鈥� the of the effort reads.

Notably, labor unions play an outsized role in many of the election鈥檚 most crucial swing states: 21% of votes cast in Michigan in the 2020 presidential election were from union households, representing approximately one-fifth of the electorate, according to the union. The same is true for Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, where union households accounted for 18% and 13% of votes cast, respectively.