Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, in her final budget proposal this week, is set to unveil a budget proposal for funding schools that invests $625 million in programs aimed at addressing the state鈥檚 K-12 literacy crisis.

The literacy investment would come at a time of increased focus on the troubling performance of Michigan students in literacy in the early grades. Just portion of the Michigan Student Test of Educational Progress last year. It was the lowest performance of third graders in the exam鈥檚 11-year history, Chalkbeat and Bridge Michigan reported last year.

On the national front, , an exam known as the 鈥渘ation鈥檚 report card.鈥� That compares to 30% being proficient nationally. More concerning is that Michigan student performance has been stagnant and declining as other states that have invested heavily in early literacy have improved.

Whitmer, during her State of the State address last year, called for urgency in addressing the low performance, noting that Michigan spends more than most states.

鈥淚t鈥檚 not acceptable,鈥� Whitmer said. 鈥淔or our kids, let鈥檚 do better. Let鈥檚 face our literacy crisis with fierce urgency.鈥�

鈥淲hen every child reads, Michigan wins,鈥� Whitmer said in a statement provided by the governor鈥檚 office. 鈥淎s we face a nationwide literacy crisis, my education budget proposal includes big investments to build on the work we鈥檝e done to help kids read.鈥�

For the budget proposal she will deliver to the Michigan Legislature Wednesday, Whitmer鈥檚 Every Child Reads plan notes that investing in preschool and wraparound programs is just as important as improving curriculum and ensuring teachers are trained.

Here are some specifics of the plan the governor鈥檚 office shared with Chalkbeat this week:

• Part of the $625 million investment includes expansion of the state鈥檚 initiative, which aims to provide free preschool to children regardless of income. 鈥淚t starts with high-quality early learning, because the sooner kids start learning to read, the better they become,鈥� the governor鈥檚 office said in a media advisory.
• The budget would also invest more in Language Essentials for Teachers of Reading and Spelling (or LETRS) training. LETRS is a professional development program based on the science of reading. The refers to a body of knowledge that emphasizes phonics along with building vocabulary and background knowledge.
• The budget will include funding that helps districts implement new science of reading-aligned curriculum. The Michigan Department of Education recently published a list of curriculums aligned with the science of reading. School districts aren鈥檛 required to adopt from the list. However, the current state budget has language requiring schools or risk losing a small percentage of their state funding.
• The budget proposes additional funding to expand summer, before-school, and after-school programming.

Additional details, such as information on how the additional funding would help districts implement curriculum aligned to the science of reading, weren鈥檛 available.

State Superintendent Glenn Maleyko, in a statement included in the governor鈥檚 advisory, said Whitmer鈥檚 focus on literacy is one shared by the Michigan Department of Education, which he oversees, and the State Board of Education, the elected board that hired him last year.

鈥淣othing is more important to our students and our state than improving literacy,鈥� Maleyko said. 鈥淩eading and writing are the foundation for long-term success, and I look forward to working with the Legislature through strong teamwork and shared responsibility to advance these priorities and continue improving student outcomes statewide.鈥�

Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools. This story was originally published by Chalkbeat. Sign up for their newsletters at .

In a keynote speech at the Michigan Literacy Summit, held Tuesday at the Michigan Science Center, Gov. Gretchen Whitmer said that improving literacy rates would remain her top priority in her final year as governor.

鈥淗elping every child read is tough. It鈥檚 a worthwhile goal,鈥� she said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 a long term project that will pay off in decades, not days. It鈥檚 a team effort that requires buy-in from students, parents, teachers and policy makers.鈥�

She referenced the increased implementation of the 鈥渟cience of reading鈥� , which she signed in October 2024, as part of this priority. That law standardized literacy teaching methods across the state and implemented regular dyslexia testing for students up to third grade. She also touted the free school breakfast and lunch program, a key piece of the , and funding to reduce class sizes.

Michigan currently ranks 44th in the nation for 4th grade reading skills, Whitmer said, calling it a 鈥渃risis.鈥�

鈥淭he vast majority of people in our state agree this isn鈥檛 the fault of any one person or any one policy or any one political party,鈥� she continued. 鈥淚 know how hard every one of our educators works every day, but we鈥檙e all feeling the impact of our literacy crisis.鈥�

State Superintendent Dr. Glenn Maleyko, who officially the role leading the state鈥檚 department of education on Dec. 8, introduced Whitmer to a crowd of educators and advocates, who had gathered in Detroit for the day-long event that included panels with teachers and school leadership.

鈥淲hat stood out to me the most was the governor鈥檚 genuine commitment to partnership,鈥� Maleyko said. 鈥淪he understands that improving outcomes for students is not about politics, it鈥檚 about listening, working together and staying focused on what matters most.鈥�

This was Whitmer鈥檚 first public appearance since Michigan House Republicans nearly $650 million in spending for departmental projects, a move heavily criticized by Democrats as 鈥渦ntransparent鈥� and 鈥渃ruel鈥�. While Whitmer鈥檚 press secretary shared similar criticism from the governor鈥檚 office, Whitmer herself has yet to make a statement on the cuts, and left the summit before speaking to the press.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Michigan Advance maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jon King for questions: info@michiganadvance.com.

Legislation to permanently end a 3% tax many public school teachers pay into a health care fund for their retirement has been signed into law by Gov. Gretchen Whitmer.

, sponsored by state Rep. Matt Koleszar (D-Plymouth), also permanently reduces the payroll rate for school districts contributing to the Michigan Public School Employee Retirement System (MPSERS) was given last week by the Michigan House and reduces the MPSERS payroll rate by 5.75%, providing school districts with the ability to reallocate funds that would have otherwise gone into retirement system contributions.

鈥淭his new law will put funding back into schools and is a direct investment in classrooms in every district across the state,鈥� said Tina Kerr, executive director of the Michigan Association of Superintendents and Administrators (MASA). 鈥淪chool districts will now have more predictable funding, which will benefit students, teachers, and staff alike. We very much appreciate Rep. Koleszar for his leadership in introducing this legislation and navigating it through the process.鈥�

Supporters say the rate reduction will allow districts to reallocate funds back into classrooms, while the end of the 3% health care contribution will also put more money back into the pockets of school employees.

鈥淭his legislation returns approximately $600 million back to schools 鈥� that鈥檚 money going directly into classrooms and back to teachers, where it belongs,鈥� said Koleszar, chair of the House Education Committee. 鈥淎s a teacher-turned-legislator, I am proud to see my bill put an end to overpayment into our school鈥檚 employee retirement system. My fiscally responsible bill will give back funds to schools to put toward their unique needs, because parents deserve to send their kids to schools that are empowered to put their students first.鈥�

The plan to reduce MPSERS payments was first proposed by Whitmer when she rolled out her $80.7 billion budget blueprint in February, allowing the Democratic-led Legislature to redirect $670 million from the system into additional funding for schools.

From the beginning, however, Republicans have decried the move as a 鈥渞aid鈥� on the teacher鈥檚 retirement system, and that opposition remained even as the bill received final passage.

鈥淒emocrats aren鈥檛 thinking about the long-term implications of this vote,鈥� said state Rep. Luke Meerman (R-Coopersville). 鈥淧illaging public teacher鈥檚 retirement accounts to fund frivolous government expansions, and unnecessary programs, is unacceptable. And creates a mess for the next generation to clean-up.鈥�

The dispute over the contributions centers on the fact that the teacher retirement system has two parts; one that funds health care costs, which is fully funded, and the other that covers pension liabilities, which is not.

Whitmer and her fellow Democrats in the Legislature say those are separate funds and the state no longer needs to pay off additional costs, likening it to a homeowner paying off a mortgage early. Republicans have insisted they are both part of the same fund and the savings realized by the health care portion being paid off should be used to pay down the pension liability.

鈥淚nterrupting scheduled debt payments to pay for other spending measures is a sign that spending has gotten out of hand and government has gotten too big. It鈥檚 flat out irresponsible to gamble with the retirement plans of our hardworking teachers,鈥� said Meerman.

However, school officials disagree, and see the law as a positive change for both school districts and educators.

鈥淏y lowering MPSERS costs, districts will be able to prioritize funding that directly impacts student learning,鈥� said Don Wotruba, executive director of the Michigan Association of School Boards (MASB).

Wendy Zdeb, executive director of the Michigan Association of Secondary School Principals (MASSP), said the legislation would help ease the financial burden educators in Michigan had been working under for years.

鈥淓liminating the 3% employee contribution will make a significant difference in the lives of our school staff, and I鈥檓 grateful to the Legislature and Governor Whitmer for supporting public schools in such a meaningful way,鈥� said Zdeb. 鈥淭his is a practical solution that both reduces costs for schools and increases take-home pay for school staff, something educators will certainly appreciate.鈥�

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Michigan Advance maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Susan J. Demas for questions: info@michiganadvance.com. Follow Michigan Advance on and .

Gov. Gretchen Whitmer has announced a new state office to help implement a plan intended to reverse Michigan鈥檚 population decline after she announced earlier this week that she was disbanding the Growing Michigan Together Council.

The Michigan Economic Development Corporation (MEDC) on Friday announced the creation of Michigan鈥檚 Growth Office, which it said would be tasked with implementing the bipartisan council鈥檚 blueprint for growth.

in December 2023, identified key issues within the state contributing to a loss of tax revenue to fund schools, public amenities and quality of life in Michigan communities. Chief among those issues was a population decline exacerbated by a lack of young people moving to or remaining in the state.

The Michigan Growth Office, the creation of which follows Gov. Gretchen Whitmer鈥檚 signing earlier this week of an executive order , will be led by Chief Growth Officer Hilary Doe, who Whitmer says will use the council鈥檚 recommendations to initiate programs designed to increase the state鈥檚 population.

鈥淢ichigan is focused on growing our state鈥檚 population and economy by retaining current residents and attracting new Michiganders,鈥� said Whitmer. 鈥溾�� With and the momentum on our side, let鈥檚 keep working together to build more affordable housing, lower the cost of education from pre-K through college, and create good-paying, high-skill jobs in cutting-edge industries. Let鈥檚 set Michigan up for decades of growth and make it the best place to call home.鈥�

In a release from the MEDC, it was noted that approximately $45.5 million in funding was allocated to support Michigan鈥檚 population growth efforts in the Fiscal Year (FY) 2025 .

According to the MEDC release, additional budget allocations align with what were described as the 鈥渢hree pillars of the blueprint for growth鈥�:

• Establishing Michigan as the innovation hub of the Midwest and 鈥淎merica鈥檚 Scale-Up State鈥� while tackling barriers to labor force participation.
• Building a lifelong learning system focused on future-ready skills and competencies to ensure all Michiganders have access to 21st-century opportunities.
• Creating thriving communities that are magnets for young talent, including places that are climate-resilient, transit-rich and housing-accessible.

鈥淭oday, annual state revenue collections are $12 billion below the 1978 Headlee constitutional amendment that caps state revenue at a fixed percentage of state personal income. This disinvestment is apparent in specific policy areas such as education,鈥� Mike Addonizio, professor emeritus of education leadership and policy studies at Wayne State University.

According to the brief, about $4.5 billion of additional revenue would be needed to fund the needed resources identified in a nonpartisan 2018 School Finance Research Collaborative study it says aligns 鈥渜uite well鈥� with the report from the Growing Michigan Together Council.

That funding would best be realized with a graduated state income tax, which David Arsen, a professor emeritus of education policy and educational administration in the MSU College of Education, says could generate additional state revenues with higher rates on very high incomes while reducing tax rates for most taxpayers.

鈥淭his may be the most promising approach to fund investments that are so essential for a more prosperous Michigan,鈥� said Arsen.

With the political realities in Lansing such that major tax reforms are not likely anytime soon, Doe will begin the efforts of the new Michigan Growth Office with the resources at hand.

鈥淚t will take all of us linking arms and leaning in with sharp elbows to reverse Michigan鈥檚 population trends. Investments made by Governor Whitmer and the Legislature to continue the Growth Office鈥檚 work is reflective of the ongoing commitment I鈥檝e seen from Michiganders across our state to build an even brighter future here in Michigan,鈥� said Doe.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Michigan Advance maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Susan J. Demas for questions: info@michiganadvance.com. Follow Michigan Advance on and .

Gov. Gretchen Whitmer has announced the formation of a new state agency targeted at improving educational outcomes from preschool through postsecondary instruction.

The new Michigan Department of Lifelong Education, Advancement and Potential (MiLEAP) will have three offices: Early Childhood Education, Higher Education and Education Partnerships.

The department is part of Whitmer鈥檚 sweeping 鈥淢ake It In Michigan鈥� initiative that encompasses many of the policy priorities of her second term in office. In a statement, Whitmer said the department will be tasked with collecting data and establishing 鈥渃lear metrics鈥� for action at the local and state levels.

鈥淔or too long, we have thought of education as K-12, but we know that鈥檚 not good enough,鈥� Whitmer said. 鈥淚鈥檓 establishing MiLEAP today because we need to get every kid started early, in pre-K, so they succeed in kindergarten, have paths after graduation to get higher education tuition-free and forge strong partnerships with our employers so they can get a good-paying, high-skill, and in-demand job.鈥�

MiLEAP will work alongside the Michigan Department of Education and the state Board of Education to address education issues at various stages of a student鈥檚 learning career, beginning at age two and continuing through high school and postsecondary education.

Several Democratic lawmakers praised the move.

State Rep. Samantha Steckloff (D-Farmington Hills), who chairs the House Appropriations Subcommittee on higher education, said in a statement that she was excited about the formation of new tools to improve Michigan鈥檚 education outcomes.

鈥淧ulling together our state鈥檚 dedicated continuing education resources into one centralized hub is good for our students, and good for our economies,鈥� Steckloff said. 鈥淭hrough MiLEAP, we will be able to better attract, educate, and retain the skilled workforce needed for Michigan to lead throughout this century and beyond.鈥�

However, House Minority Leader Matt Hall (R-Richland Twp.) expressed skepticism.

鈥淐onnecting students throughout their education makes sense in theory, but without fixing our current education system, it won鈥檛 do much to actually help our next generation,鈥� Hall said in a statement. 鈥淒emocrats are undoing accountability measures for our local schools left and right, they鈥檙e spending hundreds of millions on pork projects instead of putting it into the classroom, and our state superintendent doesn鈥檛 even report to the governor. Expanding that system without fixing it first is an empty promise and not a solution.鈥�

Michigan Education Association (MEA) President-elect Chandra Madafferi, an Oakland County teacher, said in a statement that the establishment of MiLEAP will help boost student success throughout the state.

鈥淲e are thrilled by Gov. Whitmer鈥檚 MiLEAP announcement and her administration鈥檚 continued commitment to creating opportunities for every student, regardless of their ZIP code, age or income level,鈥� Madafferi said. 鈥淓ducation is a lifelong pursuit, and it鈥檚 important that we provide the scaffolding needed to assist students and parents every step along the way.鈥�

The Michigan League for Public Policy, which in June released data showing Michigan ranking low among U.S. states in child well-being, said in a statement that the formation of MiLEAP will be crucial to improving the state鈥檚 standing on child and education issues.

鈥淭he League and its Kids Count in Michigan project are committed to a data-driven, two-generation approach to make sure every child and family in Michigan can thrive, regardless of their race, their income or their ZIP code,鈥� the statement said. 鈥淭hat means creating a clear path filled with opportunities from cradle through career and beyond. MiLEAP aims to make that path as smooth as possible, avoiding roadblocks that often come before kids enter kindergarten and after they finish high school.鈥�

MiLEAP, according to the governor鈥檚 office, would be led by a director that will be appointed by Whitmer. The director will become a member of the governor鈥檚 cabinet. The order goes into effect on Dec. 1.

In Michigan, the state superintendent directly to the governor. According to state law, members of the state Board of Education 鈥� who are nominated by political parties and elected statewide 鈥� appoint the superintendent, who is the chairman of the board without the right to vote and is responsible for the execution of its policies.

The board appointed state Superintendent Michael Rice in May 2019.

is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Michigan Advance maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Susan Demas for questions: info@michiganadvance.com. Follow Michigan Advance on and .

Gov. Gretchen Whitmer on Monday signed more bills establishing gun safety reforms during a news conference in Royal Oak.

鈥淣o Michigander should fear going to school, work, the grocery store, or their own home because of gun violence,鈥� said Whitmer. 鈥淓xtreme risk protection orders have been proven to reduce suicides, save lives, and keep guns out of the hands of domestic abusers and violent criminals.鈥�

Whitmer, a Democrat, called the measure 鈥渃ommon sense action to reduce gun violence and keep families and communities safe.鈥�

She 蝉颈驳苍别诲听, sponsored by state Sen. Mallory McMorrow (D-Royal Oak), that creates the Extreme Risk Protection Order Act 鈥� otherwise known as a 鈥渞ed flag鈥� law.

, sponsored by state Rep. Kelly Breen (D-Novi), prohibits someone from purchasing new firearms while under an extreme risk protection order.听, sponsored by state Rep. Julie Brixie (D-Meridian Twp.), provides for service of process for extreme risk protection order actions and waive court fees.听, sponsored by state Rep. Stephanie Young (D-Detroit), places sentencing guidelines for making a false statement in support of an extreme risk protection order.

The bills were part of a Democratic package introduced after the Feb. 13 mass shooting at Michigan State University that killed three students.

Last month at MSU, Whitmer聽the first bills in the package that require safe storage of firearms and ammunition and background checks.

Former U.S. Rep.听聽of Arizona, a 2011 gun violence survivor, attended the Royal Oak event, as well as Attorney General Dana Nessel, Wayne County Prosecutor Kym Worthy and Michigan State University student Troy Forbush, who survived the Feb. 13 campus shooting.

McMorrow, who helped to host the event, said that 鈥渃ountless families across Michigan are devastated by the epidemic of gun violence.鈥�

鈥淭he data is clear that extreme risk protection orders are a commonsense, effective tool to keep guns out of the hands of those who may hurt themselves or others and are already employed by 19 states across the country,鈥� said McMorrow.

Dylan Morris, an Oxford High School senior who survived the聽聽in 2021 and later founded 鈥淣o Future Without Today,鈥� testified in support of the gun safety legislation and described the signing as 鈥渉istoric.鈥�

鈥淭his a huge accomplishment today, especially in preventing the continued proliferation of suicides, mass shootings and everyday community violence,鈥� said Morris.

From historic test score declines to fractured learning recovery efforts, a teen mental health emergency, a high school absenteeism crisis and imploding college enrollment, the foundation of our education system has been rocked. Amid these trends, polls show parents more motivated by education to vote 鈥� and willing to cross party lines over school issues. 

Over the last several months, we鈥檝e looked ahead to the Nov. 8 midterms and previewed the pivotal races that could reshape schools systems and priorities: New governors that could change course on local policies, new state superintendents that will oversee city and district initiatives, new ballot propositions that will prioritize education funds and potential Congressional shakeups that would affect broader learning recovery and accountability efforts. 

With education driving the political debate in a way it hasn鈥檛 for a generation, here are 16 key races we鈥檒l be watching Tuesday night through the lens of how it will affect students: 

Florida Governor 鈥� As Kevin Mahnken notes in his race preview: 鈥淔rom Gov. Ron DeSantis鈥檚 early battles against mandatory COVID safety measures in schools to this year鈥檚 dramatic intervention in local school board races, the pugnacious conservative has embraced fights about what, and where, students learn. If he is known for nothing else in the VFW halls of Iowa and New Hampshire, DeSantis will always be cheered among conservative activists for his efforts to curb what he calls teacher indoctrination on controversial subjects like race, gender, and sexuality. In so doing, he has both locked Democrats into a battle over classroom instruction and redefined what it means to be an education governor in the 2020s.

鈥淚f anything, Democrats have been happy to pick up the gauntlet that DeSantis threw this year. Former Gov. Charlie Crist and the state party followed the governor鈥檚 lead on school board endorsements, backing a group of their own candidates. The Democratic challenger has also directly attacked the Stop WOKE and Parental Rights in Education laws, unveiling a 鈥榝reedom to learn鈥� policy platform and vowing to make the state鈥檚 commissioner of education an elected office. To top it off, Crist chose as his running mate Karla Hern谩ndez-Mats, the head of Miami-Dade鈥檚 teacher鈥檚 union. The selection distilled an already-polarized debate 鈥� between committed education reformers and defenders of traditional public schools 鈥� even further. Experts called it an understandable political calculation, though not without potential downsides.鈥� Read the full preview of the race in Florida. 

Texas Governor 鈥� Education policies and school choice initiatives have factored prominently into the top Texas contest. As the reported earlier this year: 鈥淎 battle over school vouchers is mounting in the race to be Texas governor, set into motion after Republican incumbent Greg Abbott offered his clearest support yet for the idea in May. His Democratic challenger, Beto O鈥橰ourke, is hammering Abbott over the issue on the campaign trail, especially seeking an advantage in rural Texas, where Democrats badly know they need to do better and where vouchers split Republicans. O鈥橰ourke鈥檚 campaign is also running newspaper ads in at least 17 markets, mostly rural, that urge voters to 鈥榬eject Greg Abbott鈥檚 radical plan to defund鈥� public schools. Abbott, meanwhile, is not shying away from the controversy he ignited when he said in May that he supports giving parents 鈥榯he choice to send their children to any public school, charter school or private school with state funding following the student.鈥欌�� . 

Georgia Superintendent 鈥� As Linda Jacobson reports in her preview: 鈥淎mong the six candidates the Georgia Association of Educators endorsed for statewide office, all were Democrats, save one: Republican schools Superintendent Richard Woods. The two-term incumbent鈥檚 support of a controversial new 鈥榙ivisive concepts鈥� law that restricts what teachers can say about race and diversity in the classroom was apparently less worrisome to the union than the platform of Alisha Thomas Searcy, his Democratic challenger. 鈥楬is opponent, regrettably, has a long history of advocating for taxpayer funding of private schools that we cannot overlook,鈥� President Lisa Morgan said when announcing the union鈥檚 slate of candidates. Searcy was elected to the state House at just 23 and consistently advocated for school choice legislation during her 12 years in office. She co-authored a law that allows students to transfer to other schools within their district, voted in favor of the state鈥檚 tax credit scholarship program and championed a constitutional amendment creating the State Charter Schools Commission. Groups seeking to start a new charter school can apply directly to the commission instead of their local district. Woods also supports charter schools, but expanding choice has not been the focus of his campaign.鈥� Read the full preview of the race in Georgia. 

Arizona Governor 鈥� As Kevin Mahnken lays out in his race preview: 鈥淎mid debates this summer around parental rights, the teaching of controversial subjects, and LGBT issues in schools, Arizona politicians resolved the state鈥檚 longest-running education dispute. Republican Gov. Doug Ducey and his allies in the state legislature pushed through an expansion of education savings accounts to all of the state鈥檚 1.1 million students. The shift was the latest, and possibly the last, development in a lengthy war over school choice in the state. And as a political event, it may signify more than the hotly contested state elections this fall. Those campaigns are headlined by the gubernatorial bout, viewed as one of the closest in the country. But even though that race will serve as a bellwether on Election Day, delivering a rare battleground verdict on how well Democrats staved off Republicans鈥� midterm ambitions, its result likely cannot change the trajectory of school policy in Arizona, which will now feature more direct competition between public and private schools. Such sizable growth in ESAs has the potential to reshape the K-12 environment in one of America鈥檚 few remaining competitive states. The change was cheered by Republican gubernatorial nominee Kari Lake, a charismatic former news anchor who has been dubbed the 鈥榣eading lady of Trumpism鈥� for her right-wing views and growing national profile. It was reviled by Democratic hopeful Katie Hobbs, who has captured her own national headlines over the last few years as the state鈥檚 top elections official. The contest between the two women will decide who leads the way for a newly altered school system.鈥� Read the full preview of the race in Arizona.听

Wisconsin Governor 鈥� As Beth Hawkins reports in her preview: 鈥淟ike many states, Wisconsin is awash in the newly charged politics over teaching about race and LGBTQ student rights. But the issues at the heart of what has become the most expensive gubernatorial race in the country are decidedly old school. A Democratic incumbent with long ties to traditional public education faces a GOP challenger who promises a dramatic expansion of the state鈥檚 private school voucher program, the oldest in the country.听As of late September, some $55 million had been spent on advertising, with the race between Democrat Tony Evers and Republican Tim Michels a toss-up. If Evers wins, residents can expect him to continue to push for more funding for the state鈥檚 traditional schools 鈥� and for the Republican-dominated legislature to push back. Those same lawmakers have already signaled support for Michels鈥� marquee proposal 鈥� making vouchers available to all Wisconsin students 鈥� even as it is unclear how they would pay for it.鈥� Read the full snapshot of the race in Wisconsin.听

California Superintendent 鈥� As Kevin Mahnken reports in his preview: 鈥淐alifornia鈥檚 race for state superintendent is in its final days. But according to some local observers, the outcome has been in hand for most of the year. Incumbent Superintendent Tony Thurmond might have avoided campaigning entirely, in fact, if he鈥檇 picked up just a few extra points of support in the June primary. Instead, he settled for 46 percent of the vote 鈥� just a few points shy of the majority threshold to avoid a runoff 鈥� and the mantle of clear favorite heading into the fall. Thurmond鈥檚 opponent in the nonpartisan election, education advocate Lance Christensen, finished 34 points and more than two million votes behind him in the last round.鈥� Thurmond was the slight victor over education reformers鈥� favored candidate in 2018; Christensen is an obscure former Republican staffer in the state assembly who has attacked the teachers鈥� union and quixotically pushed to bring private school choice to the deep-blue state. “And while the next superintendent will confront significant educational challenges, from pandemic-related learning loss to curricular reforms around math and English, the debate over the future of education policy has largely remained quiet.” Read the full preview. 

Oklahoma Governor 鈥� As Linda Jacobson writes in her preview: 鈥淒on Ford, a veteran Oklahoma educator who leads a rural schools network, initially thought state Superintendent Joy Hofmeister didn鈥檛 鈥榰nderstand the workings鈥� of schools outside the state鈥檚 major cities. But then Hofmeister, a former teacher and onetime owner of a Tulsa tutoring company, put half a million miles on her car traveling throughout the state. She listened as educators spoke of the challenges facing small-town schools. 鈥楽he was willing to listen and learn by getting out into our districts,鈥� Ford said. Educational options in those communities are now center stage as voters prepare to choose their next governor. Incumbent Gov. Kevin Stitt is campaigning on a statewide 鈥榝und-students-not-systems鈥� platform and promises to 鈥榮upport any bills 鈥� that would give parents and students more freedom to attend the schools that best fit their learning needs.鈥� A voucher plan that died in the Senate earlier this year would have opened them to children in families that earn roughly three times what it takes to qualify for free or reduced-price lunches, with most awards ranging from $5,900 to about $8,100. Senate President Pro Tem Greg Treat, a Republican, has pledged to introduce a similar bill if Stitt wins. But Hofmeister, who switched parties to challenge Stitt as a Democrat, has called the proposal a 鈥榬ural schools killer鈥� because it would pull funding from traditional districts.鈥� Read the full Oklahoma preview. 

California鈥檚 Arts Education Ballot Measure 鈥� As Linda Jacobson writes in her preview: 鈥淧arading down a busy street in Los Angeles鈥� San Pedro neighborhood, students waved signs over their heads and urged passing cars to support their cause. 鈥楬onk for 28!鈥� they yelled. 鈥楽ay yes on 28.鈥� The shouting referred to California鈥檚 Proposition 28, a ballot initiative that aims to pump at least $800 million into K-12 arts and music programs, and one that comes with a pleasing selling point: It won鈥檛 increase taxes. That鈥檚 one reason no one is raising money to defeat the measure 鈥� a relief to former Los Angeles schools chief Austin Beutner, who led the effort to get the question on the ballot and donated over $4 million to the cause.鈥� Read the full preview.

Colorado鈥檚 鈥楬ealthy Meals鈥� Ballot Proposition 鈥� As Linda Jacobson reports: 鈥淭he Healthy Schools Meals for All program would fully reimburse districts for offering students free breakfast and lunch, regardless of family income. It would also increase pay for school nutrition staff and offer training and equipment to make meals from scratch. To pay for the program, the initiative would cap income tax deductions for those making $300,000 or more. There is no organized opposition to the measure, but one lawmaker who voted against putting it on the ballot said he had a 鈥榝undamental problem鈥� with subsidizing meals for students whose parents can afford to pay.鈥� Read more about the Colorado proposal. 

Senate Education Leadership 鈥� As Linda Jacobson reports: Senator Rand Paul would eliminate the Education Department if he could. Senator Bernie Sanders would triple funding for poor students and send them to college for free. Depending on which party controls the Senate after the election, one of these men could be the next leader of the education committee. The other could be the ranking minority leader 鈥� setting up a scenario in which some of the most divisive issues in education get frequent airtime. Paul first has to defend his seat in Congress, which he鈥檚 expected to do in solidly Republican Kentucky. Sanders would have to give up chairmanship of the budget committee. Both men are next in line to influence legislation that not only governs the nation鈥檚 schools, but also health care policy and workforce issues. Read the full story.

Maryland Governor 鈥� As Asher Lehrer-Small reports in his preview: 鈥淭hroughout the Maryland gubernatorial race, GOP candidate Dan Cox has done his best to keep education culture wars issues front and center. The state legislator named a right-wing parent leader as his running mate after her group lobbied to remove a Queen Anne鈥檚 County schools superintendent who expressed support for Black Lives Matter. And in his only public debate against Democratic challenger Wes Moore, the Trump-endorsed candidate railed against 鈥榯ransgender indoctrination in kindergarten,鈥� a problem he blamed on books that 鈥榙epict things that I cannot show you on television, it鈥檚 so disgusting.鈥� The approach takes its cue from several recent GOP campaigns, most notably that of Virginia Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin. The Republican鈥檚 2021 win over high-profile Democrat and former governor Terry McAuliffe was propelled largely by controversy over K-12 curricula and COVID school closures 鈥� But so far the strategy has not traveled well across state lines. As of late September, Moore led Cox by a 2-to-1 margin with a 32-percentage point advantage, according to a poll of 810 registered voters carried out by the University of Maryland and The Washington Post.

鈥淒emocratic candidate Wes Moore is a Rhodes Scholar, combat veteran, anti-poverty advocate and best-selling author. Sporting an endorsement from the state鈥檚 largest teachers union, he says he plans to boost educator pay, reduce the number of youth that schools send into the criminal justice system and fund tutoring initiatives to help students recoup learning they missed during COVID.鈥� Read the full preview of the race in Maryland. 

Los Angeles School Board 鈥� As : 鈥淟AUSD school board president Kelly Gonez is headed to a runoff against teacher Marvin Rodriguez in district 6 鈥� a surprising outcome for the five year board member who was backed by the powerful Los Angeles teachers union. In the other top board race, Maria Brenes and Rocio Rivas are also heading to a runoff for the district 2 seat on the seven-member board. As an LAUSD teacher, Rodriguez has taken votes from Gonez because he had 鈥渃redibility as someone who knows the system from the inside. Teachers have a lot of sway with the public right now,鈥� said Pedro Noguera, Dean of USC Rossier鈥檚 School of Education. Gonez, the board member for the East Valley and the frontrunner heading into the election; has led the board on crucial decisions, including pandemic recovery and expanding school choice. 鈥淚 have a track record of successfully fighting for our students and delivering for our community,鈥� she said. 鈥淚 thoroughly understand what the position entails.鈥� Read more about .

Michigan Governor 鈥� As Alina Tugend reports, driving the race between Gov. Gretchen Whitmer and GOP challenger Tudor Dixon is a school choice measure few residents have heard about: A proposal that would create one of the country鈥檚 largest voucher-like systems, with the potential to give students more than a half-million dollars in public funds to attend private schools. More than 90% of the electorate in a recent statewide poll said they knew little or nothing about the proposal, which has been enthusiastically backed by former Education Secretary Betsy DeVos and her family, who have donated $4 million to the cause. Whitmer and Dixon differ sharply on measure; last year, both houses of the Michigan legislature passed bills that would have created ESAs but Whitmer vetoed them, saying they would 鈥渢urn private schools into tax shelters for the wealthy.鈥� Read Tugend鈥檚 preview of the race in Michigan. 

West Virginia鈥檚 Amendment 4 鈥� As Linda Jacobson writes in her preview: 鈥淭he state legislature would get final say on any rules or policies passed by the Board of Education if voters approve Amendment 4. Republicans in the legislature pushed for the measure, arguing that regulations governing schools should be left to those elected by voters, not an appointed board. But opponents, including former state Superintendent Clayton Burch and Miller Hall, former state board president, argue the proposed amendment would subject education to more partisanship and would lead to inconsistency in learning due to changes in the legislature.鈥� Read our full preview. 

Pennsylvania Governor 鈥� As Jo Napolitano writes in her preview: 鈥淭he Pennsylvania governor鈥檚 race 鈥� a face-off between a well-funded ambitious young climber already eyed as a future presidential contender and a radical right-wing election denier whose own GOP party leaders refuse to support 鈥� is among the most watched in the nation for its 2024 implications. The winner could wield significant power over how votes are counted in the next presidential election, one in which Donald Trump seeks to elevate an ally like Republican Doug Mastriano, in a key battleground state. Education is a leading issue in political contests across the country with Republicans pushing to remove discussions of race and gender from the classroom while leaning into greater parental control. But the script has flipped somewhat in Pennsylvania, with Mastriano鈥檚 stance so extreme he鈥檚 mobilized school board opponents to take unusual steps to block him while Democrat Josh Shapiro has embraced a school choice avenue usually reserved for conservatives. Both advocate stronger parent influence in schools.鈥� Read the full preview of the race in Pennsylvania. 

New Mexico鈥檚 Amendment 1 鈥� As Linda Jacobson notes in her preview: 鈥淭he amendment would set aside roughly $150 million annually from the state鈥檚 Permanent School Fund for early-childhood education and about $100 million for teacher compensation and programs serving students at risk of failure. The fund comes from oil and gas revenues and capital investment returns. The measure seeks to increase the distribution of the fund from 5% to 6.25%. If voters approve it, the measure would need final approval from the U.S. Congress because early-childhood education was not one of the approved uses written into the federal law. There is no organized opposition to the measure, but a Republican lawmaker who voted against placing it on the ballot said withdrawing more from the fund would leave fewer resources for the state鈥檚 children.鈥� Read our full preview of the measure. 

Other key reporting and analysis on what awaits education-minded voters this Election Day: 

Florida: DeSantis-Backed Candidates Rack Up School Board Wins Across Florida (Read the full story)

School Boards: There Are Just 90 LGBTQ School Board Members. Half Were Threatened, Harassed (Read the full story) 

Polling: Survey Shows Majority of Parents Would Cross Party Lines to Vote For Candidates Who Share Education Agenda (Read the full story) 

Parent Groups: Moms for Liberty Pays $21,000 to Company Owned by Founding Member鈥檚 Husband (Read the full story) 

Future of Education: How Do Americans Truly Feel About Public Education, & What Do They Want to See? (Read the full analysis) 

Campaign Politics: PACs Get Attention, but Teachers Unions Still Dominate School Board Elections (Read the full analysis) 

Civic Engagement: Educator鈥檚 View 鈥� My Schools Are Helping Parents Become Voters. Yours Should, Too (Read the full essay)

GOP: Heading into Midterms, Republicans Find All School Politics is Local (Read the full article) 

Watch: Video Roundtable 鈥� School Leaders Debate How Education Politics Will Shape Midterms (Watch the full conversation) 

Get the Latest Ed Politics Updates: Sign up for 蜜桃影视鈥檚 Newsletter 

A proposal that would have made Michigan home to one of the largest voucher-like systems in the country is in jeopardy after the victory Tuesday night of Gov. Gretchen Whitmer and the likely emergence of a Democratic state legislature.

Whitmer handily defeated Trump-endorsed Republican Tudor Dixon. But it is the possibility of Michigan鈥檚 first Democratic 鈥渢rifecta鈥� since 1984 that could kill the proposal to create Education Savings Accounts in the state. Even if voters collected enough signatures to put the matter to a vote in the legislature, Democrats would almost certainly reject it, experts say.

A proposal before Michigan voters would create one of the largest voucher-like systems in the country, with the potential to offer more than a half-billion dollars in public funds for students to attend private schools.

There鈥檚 just one hitch: Most residents have never heard of it.

In a recent statewide , 93% of the electorate knew little or nothing about the proposal, which has been enthusiastically backed by former education secretary Betsy DeVos and her family, who have donated $4 million to the cause. The proposal would create Education Scholarship Accounts (ESAs) that offer 100 percent tax credit for donations to 鈥渙pportunity scholarships鈥� that pay for private school tuition and other educational services. 

鈥淭here鈥檚 always conversations about vouchers,鈥� said Terah Chambers of East Lansing. 鈥淏ut I haven鈥檛 heard anything from parents or others in my district about this initiative.鈥�

Chambers serves on the board of her local school district, where her son is in sixth grade. She is also a professor of education, focusing on K-12 administration, at Michigan State University. If anyone would be expected to understand the complexities of the state鈥檚 proposed school choice initiative 鈥� or hear other parents鈥� concerns 鈥� it would be her.

But that鈥檚 not the case. 

鈥淚鈥檓 an education policy scholar and I don鈥檛 always understand the nuances of these types of initiatives,鈥� she said. 鈥淭hey can be intentionally written in a way that masks the motivation and impact. Of course people will have trouble understanding them.鈥�

Michigan has long debated vouchers and school choice. So far, to overturn a constitutional amendment barring public funds from going to private schools have failed. In 2000, the state emphatically defeated a voucher initiative. But there鈥檚 some evidence that the times have changed as the pandemic exacerbated existing educational inequities and fueled parent discontent. In addition, the U.S. Supreme Court has in recent years shown itself willing to embrace broad definitions of

Along with the funds from DeVos and her family, 鈥淟et MI Kids Learn鈥� 鈥� the political action committee backing the initiative 鈥� has received another $4 million from other supporters. 

But few potential voters are focused on the measure.

A May conducted by EPIC-MRA, a Michigan-based polling company, found that 93 percent of Michigan voters knew little or nothing about the proposal. After respondents heard a neutral message explaining the initiative, 36 percent supported it and 48 percent opposed it, with 16 percent undecided. That reflects a majority of Democrats and plurality of Republicans, said Bernie Porn, the company鈥檚 president.

The lack of attention is in inverse proportion to the proposal鈥檚 possible outsized impact. It would create one of the largest ESA programs in the country in terms of how much money it can divert from the state, according to Josh Cowen, a professor of education policy at Michigan State University.

The scholarship fund has a $500 million cap the first year, and could increase by 20 percent annually depending on how much of the fund is distributed.

 鈥楾ax shelters for the wealthy鈥�

Michigan鈥檚 scholarship proposal is modeled on one passed in Kentucky, said Beth DeShone, executive director of the Great Lakes Education Project, an advocacy group established by DeVos. The Kentucky program is currently being in court. The Franklin District Court that the program violated a provision in the state constitution that prohibits using private money for public education. The decision was appealed, and the state鈥檚 Supreme Court arguments in October.

This type of initiative 鈥渋s distinctly different than a state voucher that is normally given directly to a private school,鈥� DeShone added. 鈥淗ere, the families completely control where those dollars go and who the service provider will be. We fully believe that families need every opportunity in their toolbox to meet the needs of their individual students.鈥�

The Michigan scholarships would be available to all students five years old or over whose family is defined as low-income under the proposal鈥檚 formula, has a disability or is in foster care. The money is expected to primarily fund private school tuition, but can also be used for tutoring, transportation and other education needs, according to Michael Van Beek, director of research at the conservative , a Michigan think tank. 

Education choice has also been a hot topic in the Michigan governor鈥檚 race. Democratic incumbent Gretchen Whitmer opposes the education proposal, while her Republican challenger Tudor Dixon it. DeVos is also a big Dixon supporter and has contributed at least to her campaign.

Last year, both houses of the Michigan legislature passed bills that would have created ESAs, but Whitmer vetoed them, they would 鈥渢urn private schools into tax shelters for the wealthy.鈥�

In most other states, that would be the end of the story: Advocates would have to wait for a more sympathetic governor or put it before voters in 2024. But in Michigan, supporters have : Residents can petition to send the matter to the legislature. They have already turned in the needed number of signatures (8 percent of those who voted in the last gubernatorial election 鈥� in this case, 340,047 signatures) and once they are certified by the secretary of state, the proposal will go before the legislature. 

If it passes, the governor cannot veto it. If it is defeated or not acted upon, it will go before voters in 2024. 

The idea was that the Republican-dominated legislature would 鈥渞ubber stamp鈥� the initiative, said Bill Ballenger, a political pundit who served as a Republican state legislator almost 50 years ago and now publishes , an irreverent look at Michigan politics. 鈥淚t would be an end-run around the governor.鈥�

But he predicted Benson will not submit the initiative to the legislature until after the Nov. 8 election.

And since an independent commission redrew the state鈥檚 districts, 鈥渆verything is up for grabs,鈥� Ballenger said. 鈥淭here is rampant speculation about whether the Republicans will control one or both of the Houses or if the Democrats will.鈥� And while Whitmer is still ahead of Dixon in most , her lead is shrinking as the election nears.

Ballenger, noting the 2000 that 鈥済ot killed,鈥� nonetheless wonders if 鈥渢he pandemic has shifted public opinion.鈥� But he still believes the measure will be defeated if it goes on the ballot in 2024.

鈥楳oney should follow the child鈥�

Unlike most potential voters in the state, Katie Woodhams, a mother of three in the Kalamazoo area, is well-aware of the opportunity scholarships and is a big supporter.  

Her oldest, a high school freshman, has high-functioning autism and does most of his schooling remotely. But he participates in archery on-site. He can also meet with teachers at school or, if room is available, sit in on a class. 

Her middle son is attending seventh grade in-class in a public school, but was previously enrolled in virtual learning because of severe asthma. And her daughter, a first-grader, is also going virtual for the time being.

The schooling is provided without cost through the public system, and she believes her children have received 鈥渁 great education.鈥� She鈥檚 become a strong advocate for choice, she said, because that鈥檚 what her children have enjoyed.

鈥淚t鈥檚 extremely important we are funding the students and not funding systems,鈥� she said, echoing a common message among supporters. 

She鈥檇 also like financial help, which the act could give, to provide sports for her middle son, arts programs for her daughter and social coaching for her older son; Woodhams said she and her husband now pay $150 monthly for the social skills coaching.

Part of the trouble are widely conflicting estimates about how the tax credits 鈥� which allow residents to divert state taxes to the scholarships 鈥� will affect spending on public education. Much of that depends on how many students now going to public schools would use scholarships to switch to private schools. 

Based on conducted by the nonprofit , 60-90 percent of scholarship uses would come from public schools, Van Beek, of the Mackinac Center, said. The financial impact on the state would be minimal, because what it would lose in taxes, it would gain by not paying for students who have left public education, he added. 

Cowen, who has researched voucher programs around the country for 17 years 鈥� including five as an official evaluator of Wisconsin鈥檚 voucher program 鈥攏oted that both Arizona and New Hampshire recently expanded private school voucher programs. In Arizona, 75 percent of the new voucher users were students already in private schools and in New Hampshire, that figure was 90 percent.

鈥淒on鈥檛 take my word for it, don鈥檛 take Mackinac鈥檚 word, look what happened in other states,鈥� he said.

Peeling back the layers

The main group opposing the initiative, the coalition, has raised far less money than its opposition 鈥� Mark Schauer, treasurer of the opposition coalition, argues that the program has 鈥渢he potential to siphon up to $1 billion in public tax dollars away from the state.鈥� 

Chambers, the school board member and education professor, worries that the proposal 鈥渋s a mechanism to put public funds into private hands. The trouble with initiatives like this is that they sound great on paper 鈥� who wants to oppose the idea of opportunity scholarships 鈥� but if you peel back the layers, this will not help us accomplish what we want to in this state.鈥�

Despite a very favorable education budget passed by the state last year, Chambers said the state is facing 鈥渁 long-time disinvestment in education that is cumulative.鈥� She pointed to the fact the state ranked in the recent National Assessment of Educational Progress released in October. 

One thing that is often lost in school choice debates, Cowen said, is how students do academically. , especially more recent studies, shows that children who use vouchers to move to private schools often do worse academically based on standardized test scores than comparable students in public schools. That鈥檚 because there simply aren鈥檛 enough good private schools to serve at-risk students, he said. 

For Bernita Bradley, a Detroit resident and a director with the National Parents Union, a network of parent organizations and activists, neither side is looking out for the interests of Black and brown children.

She has tried city and suburban public, charter and private schools for her children and wasn鈥檛 satisfied with any of them. She agrees with Republicans that 鈥渕oney should follow the child,鈥� but asks, 鈥淲ho鈥檚 going to make sure that鈥檚 equitably done?鈥�

For that reason, she practices what she calls 鈥渆xtreme choice.鈥� In 2020, she started , a homeschooling co-op and advocacy network. She homeschooled her own daughter, who has now graduated, for a year and a half. 

Lack of satisfactory educational opportunities for many of Michigan鈥檚 children 鈥渋s not a pandemic thing, or a last 10- or 20-years thing,鈥� she said. 鈥淭his has been going on for generations.鈥�

More than two decades after Michigan voters resoundingly rejected vouchers at the ballot box in 2000, DeVos and her allies are attempting to pass a new school choice law through an unusual wrinkle in the state鈥檚 ballot initiative process. The public campaign, known as Let MI Kids Learn, would award tax credits to private donors who contribute to newly created scholarship funds; those scholarships could be accessed by families to pay for their educational expenses, including private school tuition. 

The shift in policy would be 鈥渟ubstantial,鈥� said Ben DeGrow, director of education policy at Michigan鈥檚 right-leaning Mackinac Center. 

“Michigan would be going from basically zero private school choice to a robust choice program very quickly,鈥� DeGrow said. The new benefit would somewhat resemble offered in 22 other states, many initiated or revised over the last decade, he added. 

Its path to enactment, however, sets it apart. After two tax-credit bills were vetoed last fall by Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, conservatives pursued a different strategy to realize their aims. Now, if the organizers of Let MI Kids Learn collect a relatively small number of signatures by June 1, the proposal can be passed again by both houses of the Republican-held state legislature. After that, the law cannot be vetoed again by the governor, who is running for re-election later in the year. 

Few other states permit such a process, which combines a direct appeal to the electorate with the strong-arm tactics of the statehouse. If local Republicans prevail, their blueprint for success will be one that lawmakers elsewhere won鈥檛 be able to follow. But they will have significantly advanced the aims of the DeVos family, which has long sought to bring private and religious schools under the umbrella of K-12 options supported by their home state. 

John Austin, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution and the former Democratic president of the Michigan State Board of Education, described the state鈥檚 generational fight over schools as a 鈥�20-year shooting war鈥� that led to this push. 

“All these battles over privatizing schools have eviscerated the public education establishment of administrators, personnel, and their influence,鈥� Austin said. 鈥淚t’s a very different politics than 20 years ago, and it’s carried the day because of the aggressive efforts of the DeVoses and their allies.鈥�

鈥楢 perfect deal for the DeVoses鈥�

Michigan is perhaps America鈥檚 most wide-open environment for public school choice. A huge charter school sector enrolls about 150,000 K-12 students, and even among families who stick with traditional public schools, many take advantage of the popular , which allows students to attend schools outside their own district.

But like most states, Michigan disallows private schools from receiving public money. That prohibition was added to the state constitution after a referendum in 1970 and loudly reaffirmed in 2000, when to lift the ban. The DeVos family to that later effort, which failed by a 39-point margin.

In the intervening years, Republicans have labored to widen the available alternatives to district schools, in 2011 and the following year. They鈥檝e also opened subtle cracks in the wall separating the public and private sectors by to reimburse private schools for costs associated with state-mandated expenses like fire drills and inspections. 

However, the party didn鈥檛 reopen the question of directing state funding to pay for private school costs until late 2021, when GOP majorities in the state House and Senate legislation creating 鈥渙pportunity scholarships” that would be available to qualified families; eligibility was tied to household income, which could be as high as roughly $98,000 for a family of four. Beneficiaries could receive nearly $8,000 to pay for private tuition, but the bills also offered hundreds of dollars to public school students to spend on tutoring, books, and other supplemental learning costs.

David Arsen, a professor of education policy at Michigan State University and of the DeVos family, said that the structure of the tax credits was 鈥渁lmost nicer鈥� than the straightforward voucher design that was unsuccessfully put before voters.

鈥淚t’s sort of a perfect deal for the DeVoses,鈥� Arsen reasoned. 鈥淭he money they formerly would have given to the state, they will now be able to give to the private school vouchers of their choice.鈥�

Austin said the push was directly related to the COVID-19 pandemic, when some Michigan districts kept schools closed for months. from researchers at the University of Michigan found that public school enrollment in the state dropped by 3 percent in the fall of 2020 (enrollment among kindergartners dropped by 10 percent), while homeschooling and private school attendance simultaneously climbed. In other states, too, parents began to embrace specialized 鈥渆ducation savings accounts鈥� to offset new expenses incurred after withdrawing their students from traditional schools.

鈥淪ome of the parents I know just found other schools that had stayed open, including private ones,鈥� Austin said. 鈥淪o the political moment is right for arguments about parental rights and parental choice governing kids’ education.”

A request for comment from the DeVos Family Foundation was directed to Let MI Kids Learn spokesman Fred Wszolek, who agreed that by underwriting private school tuition or instructional expenses such as curricular materials, the new policy could give parents 鈥渓everage they didn鈥檛 have before.鈥� 

鈥淭hey can go to their school board meeting and say, ‘Hey, why are you teaching this subject this way? We think it should be different,鈥欌�� Wszolek said. 鈥淎nd now everybody will have the potential to take their kids and go [to private school] or homeschool their kids. So the education establishment 鈥� the teachers’ union, the school boards, and the school superintendents 鈥� they’re all going to have to get used to the fact that change is coming.鈥�

Unusual legislative maneuver

Even before Gov. Whitmer vetoed the two bills last November, having previously called them 鈥渘onstarters,鈥� that they would launch a petition drive in support of the tax-credit scholarships. Within a few weeks, , giving the organizers six months to collect a little over 340,000 signatures from Michigan voters.

Gathering the necessary signatures would allow the legislature to vote again on the tax credits within a span of 40 days, in accordance with the Michigan Constitution鈥檚 鈥渋ndirect initiative鈥� provision. If they vote in favor, the proposal will be enacted 鈥� and Whitmer cannot veto it.

The indirect initiative grants tremendous power to legislative majorities in Lansing, though they have seldom exploited it. Due in part to favorably drawn district boundaries, Republicans have made up a majority of the state House for 22 of the last 28 years; they have held the Senate continuously since 1984. 

This year, frustrated by Whitmer鈥檚 , the GOP related not only to tax-credit scholarships, but also voter ID requirements and pandemic-inspired emergency orders. Lou Glazer, a longtime observer of local politics and head of the nonprofit Michigan Future Inc., said that while the tool had always been available to politicians, its previously infrequent use made it feel like 鈥渁 brand-new tactic.鈥�

“What’s changed is the willingness to use this device, which has been there for a while,鈥� Glazer said. 鈥淎s long as you control the legislature 鈥� the governor is irrelevant 鈥� you can initiate and enact policy with very few signatures.”

In fact, the signature threshold of 340,047 represents just 8 percent of the votes cast in the 2018 gubernatorial election, in which nearly 2.3 million voters supported Whitmer. Sources agreed that the mark would be easy to hit, especially given the extensive resources of its proponents. State financial reports show that members of the DeVos family over $400,000 to Let MI Kids Learn, which will help underwrite a highly organized corps of professional signature collectors. The Great Lakes Education Project, an advocacy group established by DeVos, has kicked in another $25,000.

Provided the petitions win the requisite support, the question becomes whether the legislature will go along with the process. Michigan State鈥檚 Arsen argued that the support of Republican lawmakers was 鈥渘ot a slam dunk,鈥� even though they passed the original legislation last year. Many represent school districts that have faced shrinking enrollment and financial distress for years, and the notion of propping up private schools out of the state鈥檚 coffers 鈥� particularly through such an unorthodox legislative avenue 鈥� might give them pause.

At the same time, he added, the DeVos political machine can be expected to keep wrangling votes in favor of their top agenda item. In past struggles over education policy and governance, the family has proven more than willing to finance primary challenges against Republicans who stray from the preferred line.

鈥淚f this initiative gets the signatures and goes before the legislature, everybody knows that the DeVoses will be putting on a full-court press,鈥� Arsen said. 鈥淭hey’ll use their resources to the extent possible, and there’s usually not a lot of wiggle room for legislators to step outside that influence. They know they’ll be primaried if they do.鈥�

Looking toward election

The Mackinac Center鈥檚 Degrow said that Michigan Republicans would require little arm-twisting to repeat their votes in favor of the opportunity scholarships. The ongoing groundswell in favor of greater family involvement in education 鈥� typified by Virginia鈥檚 gubernatorial election last November, in which Glenn Youngkin rode to victory on a wave of parental discontent 鈥� amplified the political case for the policy.

鈥淭hey’ve already publicly committed themselves on this issue, and the timing of the governor’s veto of the bill coincided with the parent uprising election in Virginia,鈥� Degrow argued. 鈥淭hat may have reinforced in their minds that there’s a political advantage in recognizing the wishes of parents.”

Let MI Kids Learn鈥檚 Wszolek said he believed the proposal would become law in 2022, and that its detractors would struggle to dismantle the choice scheme in the future. 

鈥淚f the teachers’ union wants to take it to the ballot in 2024 to try to repeal it, they’re free to do so,鈥� he said. 鈥淏ut I don’t think they’re going to be successful because once people see that options are a great idea, they’re not going to want to do away with them.”

Whatever popular support the scholarships might gain if enacted, severely diminished labor strength could help them survive future elections. Since Michigan became a right-to-work state in 2012, membership in its largest teachers鈥� union, the Michigan Education Association, . Additionally, nearly 7,000 member accounts have been sent to collections because of non-payment of union dues.

For the moment, most of the state鈥檚 political class is already looking toward Election Day 2022, when every seat in the legislature will be up for grabs. Republicans are favored to hold onto both chambers, especially in a midterm cycle when voter sentiment from the Democrats. But designed by the state鈥檚 newly nonpartisan redistricting commission could make this fall鈥檚 races more competitive than they鈥檝e been in years. If the tax-credit initiative proves controversial with voters, that shift in political circumstance could prove an obstacle.

Gov. Whitmer, who became a national figure during the pandemic, is also running for a second term this year. The field of Republican challengers has yet to fully take shape, though shows the incumbent narrowly leading former Detroit police chief James Craig. K-12 issues could offer an opportunity to widen the gap.

A request for comment from the governor鈥檚 office was not returned. Already, however, Whitmer has unveiled that includes the largest increase in education funding in two decades. The proposal, drawing both from federal COVID relief and projected state surpluses, would offer school employees substantial annual bonuses over the next five years, along with a 5 percent increase in overall per-pupil support.

Arsen said that in a career of studying education finance in the state, he鈥檇 never seen such an ambitious plan to increase school spending. He added that the move might carry particular benefits in areas of the state that have long been economically depressed, and where school districts are some of the largest employers.

鈥淩ural Michigan is not enjoying the economic dynamism 鈥� such as it is 鈥� of the rest of the state. And it’s not unlike parts of Wisconsin or Pennsylvania: They鈥檙e all red, but the superintendents are like the mayors in these towns. Whitmer understands this. She’s got to have something to say to rural Michigan, and she’s leading with schools.”