It is no exaggeration to say parents today have more educational options for their children than at any time in history. Just last year, expanded access to traditional public, public charter, public magnet, private, online, home and nontraditional schools. These expansions followed a record-breaking 2023, when 20 states increased school choice options.

But are parents nationwide taking advantage of these opportunities? The reality is more complex than a simple yes or no.

New from the National School Choice Awareness Foundation, the 501(c)(3) nonprofit I lead, shows 60% of U.S. parents say they considered a new or different school for at least one of their children last year. While school searching has leveled off somewhat from its post-COVID high of , it is still robust. Encouragingly, a higher percentage of parents this year (60%) said they had recently discussed schooling options with friends and family, a 10-percentage-point .

However, hidden within this data is a warning sign: Of those parents who explored new options, only 28% ultimately enrolled their children in a different school. 

suggest that particular barriers often prevent parents from following through, even when options are available. These include a lack of transportation, financial constraints, confusion over enrollment processes and simply a lack of time to apply.

As a movement, we cannot ignore the difficulties families face. It is time to match the growing quantity of school choice options with resources and tools to help parents navigate them. 

That is why, over the past three years, the National School Choice Awareness Foundation has expanded its efforts beyond organizing National School Choice Week. Each January, we now host the nation’s largest online portfolio of school navigation resources, available in English and Spanish. These programs — and — equip millions of families each year with the information they need to explore their options.

But no single organization can, or should, do this work alone. Groups such as Families Empowered, GuidED Florida, Love Your School, NavigatED Arizona and PA Families for Education Choice, along with the other members of the newly formed , are making a tremendous impact by directly answering parents’ inquiries on a one-on-one basis. For the school choice movement to thrive, these organizations must continue to grow.

Communicating effectively with families and guiding them through the often overwhelming process of finding and enrolling in the best educational fit for their children is just as critical as policy advocacy. Yet, many organizations doing this vital work are struggling — not because of a lack of vision or impact, but because they don’t fit into traditional nonprofit funding models.

This National School Choice Week, there is much to celebrate. We are thrilled that 9 million students, parents, educators and supporters will participate in tens of thousands of events nationwide. However, we are also aware that some of the hardest work lies ahead. Together, we can bridge the gap between opportunity and access, helping families navigate their choices and ensuring that every child crosses the finish line of a great education and a successful future. 

In January, the National School Choice Awareness Foundation published a asking 2,873 parents questions about changing their child’s school. About 60% of respondents said they considered a new school in 2024, but only 28% made a change. 

Of those who did transfer their kids, 28% chose a traditional public school, 31% selected a public charter or magnet school, nearly 14% chose a private or religious school and 27% opted for online schooling, homeschooling or a microschool.

Interest in homeschooling, hybrid learning and microschools in particular skyrocketed among respondents this year, compared with answers to similar surveys given from 2022 to 2024. Nearly two-thirds of parents thought about homeschooling, up from 23%, while interest in microschools and hybrid learning jumped from 5% to 16%. The percentage of those thinking about private schools rose from 29% to 36%.

By contrast, parents were less likely to consider traditional public schools than they were in previous surveys: 35%, down from an average of 45%.

But when it came to actually switching schools, the one-third of parents who followed through with the decision tended to choose public-sector schools, according to the survey. Nearly 60% of them selected a district, public charter or magnet school. 

About 30% chose private schools, homeschooling, microschools or hybrid schools, while 10% selected a full-time online education.

“The percentage of parents who enrolled their children in private-sector schools … remains relatively low,” Shelby Doyle, vice president of the National School Choice Awareness Foundation, said in a press release. “This may be due to the cost of attendance for families, even with the expansion of private school choice programs such as education savings accounts.”

Private school growth is still surging across the U.S., with GOP lawmakers in close to a dozen states having it as a top priority for 2025, according to ‘s private school choice tracker. Currently, 28 states and the District of Columbia supply public funds for parents to spend on educational options outside of public schools — and that number is likely to rise, according to the tracker.

The new survey shows that the percentage of parents searching for different schools declined this past year, down from 72% in the survey released in January 2024. But it still remains higher than the 50% among respondents to the 2022 and 2023 surveys.

Military families, younger parents and Black parents were among the most likely to consider new schools for their children last year. About 40% of parents surveyed said they were likely to continue their search for a new school in 2025, with Asian and Black parents indicating the most interest. 

One-third of parents recently surveyed by reported their child care costs rose over the past year, following the expiration of the first batch of pandemic-era child care funding. Among parents of kids under age 5, that number is even higher (37%). 

Just over half of parents with very young children reported dealing with at least one significant challenge with child care over the past year, including unexpected provider closures and trouble finding child care options.

“This is all a result of this decade of disinvestment,” said Melissa Boteach, the center’s vice president for Income Security and Child Care/Early Learning. “And the pandemic laid bare and exacerbated that, but ultimately to solve the problem we need not just a patchwork to help address the cliff that we’re about to drive off of, but long-term and sustained, robust public funding that actually builds a child care system that serves families and the economy.”

The expiring funds were part of the 2021 , a $1.9 trillion economic stimulus package, which included roughly $39 billion in direct support for child care relief. 

Marking the largest investment since World War II, the funding was split into two buckets: The first $24 billion primarily went to providers to help them stay afloat during and after the COVID shutdowns and expired last September. On Monday, the remaining $15 billion expired, which provided additional funding to the existing Child Care and Development Block Grant program, the primary federal grant program that allocates flexible funding to states, allowing them to provide subsidized child care to low-income families with children under 13.

This funding helped to stabilize 220,000 child care programs, impacting 10 million children and over a million families, according to a of federal data by the National Women’s Law Center and The organizations also found that 29% of families faced higher tuition in the month after the first expiration of funding last September, with to affordable care.

This week’s deadline in particular will hit states’ child care systems, according to Boteach, who said, “Even in anticipation of this money expiring, some states are starting to roll back those improvements, which again means that — particularly for families eligible for a subsidy — they’re going to see anything from growing wait lists to higher co-pays to a shrinking supply, because providers aren’t getting reimbursed at the rate needed to afford to stay in business.”

Susan Gale Perry, CEO of , described the situation in Nevada, where eligibility for subsidized child care programs is returning to pre-pandemic criteria as relief funds wind down. “[This] means that families who have the least are going to need to be paying more for child care,” she said.

Across the country, she added, states were able to implement creative solutions with the help of pandemic relief revenue. “The bright spots that we’re seeing are states that are continuing to pick up some of those great ideas and move forward with them using state funds. So we know we need a solution that includes a combination of federal and state and private and parent fees to really make child care work the way it needs to for this country.”

The latest survey was administered to better understand the ongoing impact of these expirations. It was designed by the Law Center and administered by Morning Consult between Sept. 13 and 15, reaching 4,443 adults nationally, 970 of whom are parents with children 13 years old or younger and 413 of whom have kids 5 or younger. The margin of error is plus or minus 1.5% and larger for subgroups. 

Over one-third of parents surveyed reported some knowledge of the expiring funds and a majority of parents (61%) expressed concern about Monday’s deadline. Black parents were particularly impacted, with 71% reporting they are very or somewhat concerned.

A plurality of parents (42%) said that candidates running for office are not talking enough about the issue of child care. 

“This is a very big-line item in families’ budgets,” Boteach said, “and if they’re not hearing from candidates about what their specific plans are, that’s a liability for those candidates.” 

Despite vastly differing views about how to make parenthood more affordable in this year’s presidential race, both Vice President Kamala Harris and Republican vice president candidate JD Vance have supported of the Child Tax Credit. Harris’s economic agenda includes a proposal to raise the credit to as much as $3,600 and $6,000 in a child’s first year. Vance said he wants to raise the credit to $5,000 but opposes government spending on child care, arguing children benefit from having a parent at home with them.

Boteach noted that yesterday’s funding dropoff comes amid rising wages nationally for low-paid sectors. To remain competitive, child care employers would need to raise wages, even as they lose funding, saddling parents with the increased costs, she said. 

Ultimately, she noted, the costs of the “broken market” of child care “are borne entirely by parents — in the form of higher fees — and providers — in the form of poverty wages.” 

And often it’s women in the workforce who pay the ultimate price, she added: “Women are 90% of the early education workforce, and it’s disproportionately Black, brown and immigrant women. Women are [also] the ones who are more likely to be pushed out of the labor market when they can’t find affordable child care options.”

The results come from a that polled 1,518 parents of K-12 public school students conducted by the National Parents Union between May 7-11. 

“We can point to the fact that parents still feel good about schools,” said founding president and ĂŰĚŇÓ°ĘÓ contributor Keri Rodrigues “[and] still feel good about teachers … There’s a lot of bright spots around the fact that parents are still fully invested in public education and that — contrary to what we might be hearing from the voucher folks — that there’s no fear of parents completely walking away from America’s public education system and moving towards ‘do-it-yourself’ methods.” 

Vouchers, which let parents use taxpayer money to send their kids to private schools, have in the last several years. At the same time, more parents are experimenting with alternative schooling methods, including homeschooling and microschools. 

The majority of parents (72%) also expressed confidence in their kids’ principals and schools for meeting overall expectations. 

But, according to the survey — dubbed “The Parent Report Card” — as parents considered the outer echelons of the education system, their confidence began to wane. Just over half rated their superintendents and school boards favorably, a figure that continued to drop for state governors (45%), U.S. Secretary of Education Miguel Cardona (32%) and President Joe Biden (33%). That last number is lower than the president’s overall 37% approval rating among respondents nationwide, according to a Reuters/Ipsos released June 28.

Rodrigues said this is evidence of the disconnect between families and those in power at the state and federal level. 

“I always encourage [elected officials] to go back and listen to the people who are experiencing what is going on in classrooms: our young people,” Rodrigues said. “If you have a problem with parent and family engagement, talk to the parents and families. They will tell you why they’re not engaged. [You] need to do the work, too.”

There has been a significant gap — averaging 31 percentage points — between parents’ favorable views of their own child’s education and Americans’ more critical take on U.S. education at large since at least 1999, according to almost 25 years of The most recent data from last year’s survey saw the second-largest gap to date: 40 points, second only to the 42-point divide in 2000.  

Megan Brenan, senior researcher at Gallup, credits this almost-record setting number to underlying parisian divides, with Republicans expressing the lowest satisfaction with the public education system at large (25%) to date. This also marked the largest gap in history between Democrat and Republican satisfaction, with a 19 percentage point difference. 

“We’re seeing the biggest partisan gaps on a whole lot of measures right now,” she said, reflecting America’s deep polarization. 

According to last year’s Gallup survey, only 36% of Americans are satisfied with K-12 education quality, matching a record low in 2000. Despite this, parents remain mostly pleased with the education their oldest child is receiving, with just over three-quarters reporting they are completely or somewhat satisfied, numbers that reflect historical averages. The vast majority of parents also support their children’s teachers, with the majority rating their performance as excellent (36%) or good (37%).

“This is kind of a pattern that we see over a number of measures where Americans are much more likely to rate national measures lower than their own,” Brenan said. “So we see this with crime: that people say, ‘Oh, crime in the U.S. is at a high, but my neighborhood is fine.’ We see it with their own congressmen. It’s very much like, ‘I hate Congress but my congressman deserves to be re-elected.’ And if you look at the trend in education, then you also see this is something which has held up throughout …. I think it’s just [that] they can relate more to their own personal situation than they can to the national picture.”

One reason why may be that schools are often the centers of communities, said Joshua Cowen, an education policy professor at Michigan State University. 

“That’s where you start to see this point of personal contact that matters to people in terms of what they want to protect,” he continued. “When it’s framed as this large, bureaucratic, nebulous system, then that’s where I think you see these negative results. But [it’s different] when you’re talking about your community, your kids, your football team, maybe your employer or your spouse’s employer.”

When thinking about the role these views on education might play in November’s presidential election, though, Brenan, the Gallup researcher, argued that there are a number of other issues eclipsing education in voters’ minds. 

“The fact that they’re personally satisfied with their own children’s education might have something to do with that,” she said, adding, “I think education is always there as an issue kind of in the background. And unless these other matters — like immigration and the economy — are solved before election day, I’m not sure this is the year that education is going to get its due.”

Disclosure: Walton Family Foundation provides financial support to the National Parents Union and to ĂŰĚŇÓ°ĘÓ.

The results come from a that polled 1,506 parents of K-12 public school students conducted by the National Parents Union between Feb. 6-8.

For the past four years, the organization has surveyed parents leading up to the State of the Union address, “because we want parents to be able to give their own State of the Union,” said founding president and 74 contributor Keri Rodrigues. All questions are written by parents who serve on the group’s Family Advisory Council, composed of delegates across the country that represent different intersections of American families.

While some results were unsurprising — like parents welcoming more financial support — they are still important, according to Rodrigues, because they serve as an essential message to policymakers about what parents care about. “We have these little, ‘We told you so moments.’ I think this is yet another one.”

Rodrigues said that voters are repeatedly and inaccurately told that parents are angriest about hot-button, culture war issues.

“We have consistently said to people, ‘Please, listen. Look at the data …’ It is clear,” she said.
“Parents are struggling with economic issues … Inflation, the cost of living, people living on the edge. Parents and families are scared and they’re hurting.” 

“We are obviously focused on education justice but economic justice for families is equally important to us,” Rodrigues added later, “because we really deal with the intersectional issues … we just don’t think you can separate those things.”

Overall, surveyed parents ranked K-12 education as the third most important issue for the president and Congress to address, behind the economy and immigration.

“In education, we think we’re the center of the universe, and we’re not,” Rodrigues said. “We’re a piece of the puzzle. It’s relevant, it’s in the mix, it’s definitely a concern. But we have to understand the intersectionality of the larger political context and where we fall in it and how it competes with other issues for the average voter and for the average American family.”

According to another released by the organization in November 2023, voters trust Democrats slightly more on education and Republicans by a small margin on the economy. The majority of parents reported wanting policymakers to work together to find bipartisan education policy solutions, even if it means compromising with people they disagree with.

“It just makes me crazy that our elected officials don’t listen,” Rodrigues said. “There are really big, important things that American families want us to do,” including the child tax credit, which during last week’s State of the Union, and stronger, evidence-based reading and literacy programs. 

“We can do big things,” she continued. “We can have unity … The majority of us can agree on some big, important things.”

Of parents surveyed in February, 87% were in favor of expanding the child tax credit and 85% were in favor of expanding subsidies to reduce health insurance costs. The vast majority were also in favor of providing funding directly to families of K-12 public school students to help them pay for supplemental resources such as tutoring. 

The survey did not include questions about more controversial vouchers, which let parents use taxpayer money to send their kids to private schools. The National Parents Union is known for both its criticism of traditional public schools, including teachers unions, that is sometimes seen as aligning with pro-school choice education reform forces and for elevating the voices of parents, especially lower-income parents of color.

Over 80% of surveyed families want the federal government to support all K-12 public schools via counseling and mental health services, free school lunch, free, high-quality preschool programs and increased funding for schools in low-income communities.

Among the 484 parents who responded to demographic questions, 27% consider themselves to be conservative, 24% liberal and 43% moderate. They were also socioeconomically and geographically diverse. About half of respondents were white, 15% Black, 24% Hispanic or Latino and 3% Asian. The margin of error is plus or minus 2.9 percentage points.

While the vast majority of school districts across the country have received additional federal funding to address COVID-related challenges, only 27% of parents reported having seen or heard anything about how these ESSER dollars were being used in their kids’ schools.

Just over 70% of parents, though, did report that their child’s public school had provided laptops or tablets for students since 2021 and about 45% said schools were offering additional tutoring or counseling services, which could have been supported by pandemic relief funds.

The ESSER funding results, Rodriguez said, reveal that parents did not get the voice they were promised in how that money was spent and that “a lot of things that we actually wanted — like additional mental health support — were not realized.” 

“Are we whipping laptops and chromebooks at kids? Hell yes we are. Is that necessarily a good thing? I mean a lot of parents would argue that that’s not actually getting us to the outcome.” 

Pro cell phones, wary of social media use 

To help inform the survey’s focus, Rodrigues said the National Parents Union presented data to their Family Advisory Council around student use of social media and its impact on mental health. 

A new understanding emerged from these discussions: Parents view cell phones and social media as separate issues, yet the two have become convoluted. This reframing was a lesson for her, she said, both as president of the organization and as a mother.

This same distinction was borne out in the survey results, she said: Parents want their kids to have access to their phones during the school day so that they can stay in touch with them, but they also recognize the dangers of social media and its negative impact on their children.

The top reasons kids use their phone, according to surveyed parents, is to contact family members, play games, contact friends, listen to music and take videos. A majority of parents (65%) also reported that their children used their phones for social media and 83% said there should be a minimum age limit on when kids are allowed to have their own social media accounts, with the largest share (20%) citing age 13. Just under 30% of parents said their children spend somewhere between four and five hours a day on their phone. 

Despite social media concerns, nearly half of parents said their child’s cell phone use had a positive impact on them and an additional 42% said phones have about an equally positive and negative impact. 

Parents listed a number of reasons they want their kids to take phones to school, with about 80% saying it was so they could use it in case of an emergency. About half of parents said it was an important tool for coordinating transportation to and from school, and 40% said they want their kids to be able to communicate with them about their mental health or other needs throughout the day. 

Just over half of parents believe that kids should sometimes be allowed to use their cell phones in school, while about a third believe students should be banned from using phones unless they’re needed for a medical condition or disability. There was very little parent support for locking up students’ cell phones in secure pouches or containers. 

“I think it goes back to something that we have been talking about since the beginning of the pandemic and the Great Parent Awakening,” Rodrigues said, “which is that the implicit trust that parents have in schools— that they’re going to tell us what’s going on and the communication — a lot of that has eroded. And that’s not toothpaste you can put back in the tube.”

Disclosure: Walton Family Foundation provides financial support to the National Parents Union and to ĂŰĚŇÓ°ĘÓ.

Conducted by Tyton Partners, an investment banking and consulting firm that examines pandemic-related shifts in education, and funded in part by the Walton Family Foundation and Stand Together Trust, the was released Oct. 26.

It comes after parents had courtside seats to various aspects of their children’s learning during the pandemic, prompting many — from myriad backgrounds and political affiliations — to push for change.

“What we’re hearing from parents loud and clear is they feel a greater sense of ownership over their child’s education,” said Christian Lehr, a senior principal in Tyton’s strategy consulting practice. “The last two years have been incredibly difficult. Now, parents are actively searching for new experiences that will deliver on academic promises, yes, but also bring joy and delight.” 

Fifty-nine percent of participants said their educational preferences changed post-pandemic: 51% said personal interest and needs should drive a child’s education rather than grade-level requirements. 

Nearly 80% said learning can and should happen anywhere. 

Some parent groups, frustrated by underperforming schools, have advocated for the types of change they feel will propel children of color and other marginalized groups. Many don’t have a political agenda while others are openly partisan: Conservative parents are driving change from within the public school system, pushing for certain texts — often those that concern issues of race and gender — to be pulled from the classroom. Left-leaning suburban families against this trend. 

Others still, unhappy with districts’ remote learning options during the pandemic, entirely. And while some have returned to campus, virtual school enrollment figures remain high. 

Survey results also reveal that children from underserved backgrounds — a family who identified in the survey with at least two of the following: low-income, Black, Latino, Indigenous and with first-generation college-goers — are less likely than their peers to attend private schools or engage in learning beyond their typical school day. Thirty-eight percent of the 739 respondents in this category indicated they did not participate in any “out-of-school” learning experiences compared to 24% of their peers. 

Just 20% of underserved children attended camp compared to 32% of other students: Likewise, only 9% had private tutors compared to 14% of the remainder.

“Unfortunately, not all families can live out their K-12 aspirations,” Lehr said. “Too many parents are stuck. We must work hard to connect families with a broader set of learning opportunities and provide them the resources and tools necessary to take action.”

The survey included roughly 80 questions but respondents, each of whom had at least one child in grades K-12, didn’t answer all of them: The questions were dependent on previous answers and each took participants down a different path. 

Lakisha Young, executive director of The Oakland REACH, a parent-run group that empowers families from underserved communities to demand high-quality schools, said her organization was born out of frustration. 

On the 2022 California , 65% of Oakland Unified School District students failed to meet grade-level standards in English and 74% missed the mark in math. The roughly 35,500-student district has been failing children for generations, said Young, who reasons students wouldn’t fare so poorly if administrators were capable of improving outcomes without assistance. 

“We exist out of a problem,” said Young, who has three children, her eldest a sophomore at Sarah Lawrence College. “And we have to do everything we can to address it.”

The Oakland REACH, which got its start in 2016, launched an online family literacy hub during the pandemic that provides students with research-based reading instruction. 

The group is also working to recruit dozens of parents and other community members to serve as tutors for reading and math, helping them land paid jobs within the school district that not only support students but lift up families. 

“They resemble our kids, and come from similar neighborhoods,” Young said of the tutors. “Our model builds the assets already in the community.”

The Oakland REACH, which has plans to replicate its programs across the state and nation, has caught the attention of major education philanthropists, including MacKenzie Scott, ex-wife of Amazon founder Jeff Bezos, who recently donated $3 million and the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative, which earlier gave . It’s among 31 education nonprofits that will split $10 million in funding from Accelerate, a new venture launched this year by America Achieves to ensure that all students have access to free, effective tutoring.

Tyton also gathered information from more than 150 K-12 suppliers who serve children in and out of school. It advises the K-12 community to be parent centric and consider the availability, affordability and accessibility of the programs they offer — and communicate these offerings to parents. 

To that end, policymakers and those working in education can develop online platforms and provide guidance for families to navigate their local K-12 ecosystem, it said. Suppliers of student programs, the report found, can increase capacity to serve more children — and funders can help them grow. 

Disclosure: Walton Family Foundation, the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative and Stand Together Trust provide financial support to ĂŰĚŇÓ°ĘÓ.

Yet, parents don’t seem worried about any of this. And that upbeat outlook is making it nearly impossible for education leaders to address the very real negative effects of COVID on students.

Indeed, there are serious concerns about kids’ academic and emotional well-being. Students are where they would have been if not for COVID, especially in mathematics. The effects are for those who were already further behind, and for kids in “.” Mental health issues among children were before COVID and seem to have been made worse by prolonged shutdowns. In response to these problems, the federal government has poured into schools to support interventions like tutoring, summer programs and new air filtration systems.

This certainly sounds like a crisis — but that’s not how parents are reacting. While many did express concern in the pandemic, recent surveys — including ones we have directed — find parents aren’t so concerned anymore. They aren’t worried about academics, and they aren’t worried about mental health. And as a result, they aren’t especially interested in the COVID recovery interventions schools are offering.

The found that parents of only of K-12 students

were very or somewhat concerned their child would ever catch up to where they should be. In fact, parents of said their kids experienced no learning losses at all! The found only about 15% of parents were concerned or very concerned about the amount their child was learning or their psychological well-being. And the of California voters found that 54% of parents think their kids’ academic performance is better than before COVID, versus just 23% who think it’s worse.

Why the huge disconnect? We have a few theories, but we don’t have the hard data needed to answer this question. Certainly one reason could be that parents aren’t getting the kinds of information they would normally get about their kids’ performance. Grade inflation has accelerated during the pandemic, while at the same time many have the quality and utility of state tests administered during COVID. And parents may have more relative than absolute ways of thinking about their kids’ performance — if everyone is struggling, maybe my child is still above average.

But beyond this explanation, it’s hard for parents to imagine where their child would be academically and emotionally if, in some alternate universe, the pandemic had never happened — what experts call the counterfactual. How do parents know how much their child is supposed to grow from year to year in math achievement when, at best, their sources of information include grades and standardized test results that come infrequently and are often hard to understand? 

Of course, another explanation could be that parents are right and the experts are wrong. Maybe the kids actually are okay. But this is more plausible with regard to more difficult-to-measure things like emotional well-being than it is with regard to math achievement, where the evidence of losses seems quite overwhelming. 

Regardless of the reason, this disconnect has huge implications for solving problems caused by the pandemic. For starters, parents who aren’t concerned aren’t likely to enroll their kids in COVID recovery interventions, and indeed we’re low uptake and interest in these programs. More broadly, parents need to support schools’ recovery efforts if the government is going to continue to fund them. In addition to helping kids catch up, these programs could be the nation’s best shot at narrowing the racial and economic achievement gaps that long predated COVID.

What to do? At minimum, parents need accurate, timely and accessible evidence about how their children are doing. And schools and districts need to engage with families, perhaps through new or regularly scheduled back-to-school or parent-teacher meetings. These efforts should include attempts to understand parents’ thinking about the impact of COVID and what children need now, as well as clear and honest appraisals of where children are relative to grade-level expectations and the options available to address any apparent deficiencies.

But we also think schools and districts should consider beefing up their optional COVID recovery programs and turning them into opt-out rather than opt-in. We are especially worried that the very students who need the support the most may be the least willing to voluntarily participate. 

It is clear that COVID has affected kids’ learning, and that these effects for some children are quite large. But the messaging on those facts is clearly not reaching parents. If we can’t solve this disconnect, we won’t solve the underlying problem. And that would be the real educational disaster experts have been worried about.