The executive director of Great Public Schools Now, an advocacy organization, hoped the district would pick someone from the community, not an outsider from 2,700 miles away. But so far, the charismatic educator who led Miami-Dade for 14 years has won her over. She called his efforts to talk publicly about next year’s budget “refreshing” and applauded his move to add to the school calendar to tackle student learning loss. 

“He has shown bold and decisive leadership quite early,” she said. 

That sentiment is echoed by observers from union leaders to parent groups in the nation’s second-largest school system. Since he started, Carvalho has tried to rally the city around a district that is 100,000 students over the next decade. On social media, he plays the role of cheerleader and one-man hype machine, applauding student and celebrating this year’s graduates while pushing for more options to attract families. 

But for Carvalho, whose tenure began on Valentine’s Day, the honeymoon is likely to be short-lived.

Some worry that state test scores, due later this year, will reveal further pandemic-related decline. And with hemorrhaging enrollment, he’ll soon need to make tough calls about closing schools and moving staff. That could put him on a collision course with the district’s notoriously tough teachers union as it prepares for upcoming contract negotiations. 

Ben Austin, a long-time parent advocate in the district, said Carvalho “seems to have found his initial footing,” but added that the leader’s first big test will be at the bargaining table.

“He will have to defy history by navigating a labyrinth of powerful special interests in order to actually put the children of Los Angeles first,” he said.

As Carvalho prepares to release his vision for the district, he said he has spent many of his 14-hour days visiting nearly 70 schools and interacting with 6,000 students, employees and community members in an effort to present an accurate picture of the challenges ahead.

In a wide-ranging interview with ����Ӱ��, he described LA’s educators and principals as committed but stymied by a system that hampers their ability to address problems ranging from teacher vacancies to broken air-conditioners.

“The connection between supervision, expectation and outcome is weak,” he said. “That’s where I think there is a significant vulnerability that we need to overcome.”

Financially, he’s negotiating conflicting realities. The district still has $2.5 billion in relief funds to spend. But Carvalho’s first budget will be aimed at preventing the system from falling off a so-called fiscal cliff in a few years when that money dries up. 

In April, he described the scenario as “Armageddon.” But during a May 17 board meeting, he offered a more positive spin, saying students should expect “enhanced” services.

“This is the right time to join LAUSD as a parent and employee,” he said. “No one should be thinking the sky is falling.”

Those words comforted board member Jackie Goldberg.

“We are not about to go under. We are not going to stop doing things for kids at schools,” she said. “We just have to find a way to restructure the budget so that as the money declines, it does not impact the things we care about most.”

‘Thorough’ reviews of closures

Some parents are already anxious about not knowing whether their child will need to move to a new school. Dena Vatcher, a parent in Los Angeles’s Westchester neighborhood, sends her younger son to Orville Wright Middle School STEAM Magnet, which now occupies a newly renovated site with a refurbished library and robotics lab. 

The district had tentative plans to relocate the school — which has a larger Black population than most L.A. middle schools — to Westchester Enriched Sciences Magnet, a high school campus. The charter schools now sharing that site would take over the Wright location.

The proposed switch didn’t sit well with Vatcher and other Wright parents who see it as a victory for charter schools that would get the upgraded facility. The plan appeared to be on a fast track until Carvalho came on board. In January, he , “This issue will be thoroughly reviewed.”

“He does know what’s going on, and has not greenlighted the move,” she said. “I’m encouraged that he came in and said, ‘We’re going to look at this.’ ”

During his tenure in Miami-Dade, Carvalho closed roughly 16 schools, he said. But he dislikes the option unless he can offer families something better in return. 

“If you close the school, you extinguish the only safe haven for kids in many neighborhoods. You shut down [what] may be the only playground … the only area where kids have connectivity,” he said. “Before you do that, you really need to check many boxes.”

At the same time, he takes issue with the state’s— and especially Los Angeles’s — practice of allowing charter schools to co-locate in buildings with traditional schools, which he calls “divisive.”

“Once you have five different schools in one single building with five principals and only one building facilities manager, it is a recipe for disaster,” he said.

While allows charters to occupy unused space in district schools, Carvalho said he wants to first look in his “own front yard and backyard” to reduce the friction.

‘Asking for a lot’

Carvalho’s team is also about to enter into contract negotiations with — a process that proved contentious under his predecessor, Austin Beutner.

The union is proposing a 20% raise over the next two years, smaller class sizes and $5,000 retention bonuses for counselors and other support positions. They argue that with roughly $3 billion in , now is not the time to be making cuts 

Those negotiations will “be a challenge for him,” said Pedro Noguera, dean of education at the University of Southern California, who has known Carvalho since he was an assistant chief in Miami. “They are a strong union, and they are asking for a lot.”

But Carvalho said many of their proposals, such as lowering class sizes and adding more counselors, “resonate” with him, and he expects to be able to “carve out common ground” as the process moves ahead. 

Leaders of UTLA did not respond to requests for an interview. But Nery Paiz, president of Associated Administrators of Los Angeles, which represents principals, likes what he’s seen from Carvalho so far.

“He’s no nonsense,” Paiz said. “He knows things that work because they have worked in the past.”

Carvalho has imported a process he used in Miami to address what he calls the district’s most “fragile,” low-performing schools. Principals and their supervisors meet with Carvalho and top district leaders to examine achievement data on a “dashboard,” discuss staffing needs and identify successful practices other schools can adopt.

“He’s very focused on the right stuff,” said Tanya Ortiz Franklin, a member of the district’s school board, who frequently visits classrooms with Carvalho. With shifting COVID rates, he had to make some tough early decisions about lifting a and delaying a . Even so, she added, “He prioritizes student outcomes. He doesn’t push them to the side because we’re in a pandemic.”

He has also taken personal responsibility for some students — more than 40 who were chronically absent during the pandemic — and donated $8,000 from his early paychecks to provide some with scholarships. One mother he contacted told him her daughter was in foster care and not to call again. A high school student who had been missing classes told him he takes care of two younger siblings who are also missing school.

The student told him: “‘I’m so sorry. Are you really the superintendent? Can you help me?’ ”

Carvalho said he’s limited in addressing housing costs that are pushing families out of Los Angeles and combating a homelessness problem that has become so pervasive, children are encountering “unclothed individuals” outside schools. 

He’s already from the Los Angeles City Council to relocate homeless encampments away from school grounds and child care centers. 

“Everybody keeps asking me, ‘What’s your solution for declining enrollment? What’s your solution for [kids in poverty]?’” he said. “Seven-year-olds don’t wake up one day in the morning and tell parents, ‘You know, I’m leaving L.A.’ The issues we’re dealing with are a reflection of economic conditions that exist in this community.”

Offered the job by then-Mayor Bill de Blasio, Carvalho in private, then presided over a televised school board meeting that featured three hours of supporters all but begging him to stay. In the end, Carvalho remained.

greeted the move in Miami, but it didn’t go over so well in New York, home to the nation’s largest school district: Eric Phillips, de Blasio’s press secretary, , “Who would ever hire this guy again?”

Four years later, Phillips has his answer: Los Angeles Unified School District, the nation’s second-largest school system.

The drama of the hire was underscored by Pedro Noguera, dean of the University of Southern California Rossier School of Education, who likened the move to “LeBron coming to the Lakers.” But Los Angeles offers only the most recent example of an oversize personality with huge ambitions taking over a district’s top job. Right now, all three of the nation’s largest school systems are run by energetic reformers, a rarity even in big-city schools circles.

All of them greet Spring 2022 full of promise — and problems. Over the next few years, they’ll enjoy unprecedented funding as taxpayers throw billions of dollars at schools to scrub away deficits caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.

But all three districts are rapidly losing students. And unions, emboldened by 2021 victories around remote instruction and, in recent years, high-profile strikes, could be formidable obstacles to their priorities. In Chicago, new schools CEO has already faced down a citywide teacher walkout.

In addition to Carvalho and Martinez, who are both immigrants, New York City Mayor Eric Adams in December named , the founder of a small network of public boys’ schools, as the new school chancellor. Banks’s schools have stood out for, among other reasons, employing many male teachers of color.

All three “definitely seem reform minded, which I think is super exciting and a real breath of fresh air,” said , superintendent of the Catholic independent Partnership Schools network. 

“I think it really speaks to the moment we’re at as we’re coming out of COVID,” she said. The pandemic “provided an uncomfortable reminder” of the need for leaders who will put children’s needs first. 

Billions in new funding … until 2024

Martinez, Chicago’s new schools CEO, is of Chiefs for Change, a group that advocates for increased school choice, effective teacher preparation, and standards-aligned curricula. But it also rails against “onerous bureaucracy” in schools. That credo will certainly be challenged by the sheer scale of federal intervention: some in COVID-related relief since 2020.

In New York, state lawmakers in 2021 increased funding to New York City by nearly half a billion dollars. By next year, a lawsuit settled last year to equalize urban school funding could bring that to $1 billion, said president of Bank Street College and New York City’s former senior deputy chancellor. “So there is a significant infusion of new dollars into the school system that can be used to dig into systemic issues. And that’s very rare.”

As in districts large and small elsewhere, the three leaders are “all drinking from a firehose” of funding, said of the National Alliance for Public Charter Schools. But that also places extra responsibility on them: “No one can blame lack of funding as their excuse for not getting things done,” she said.

But unless Congress acts, all that extra funding will run out in 2024. None of the three new leaders agreed to be interviewed for this piece.

, who leads the AASA, the nation’s school superintendent’s association, said many leaders are using the cash to upgrade facilities. But spending it on generous raises or new instructional positions could actually put them at odds with unions, since those jobs won’t be sustainable.

“The financial cliff is only two years away,” he said.

A ‘friend of charters back at the helm’

A product of New York City’s public schools, Banks cut his teeth founding and the network of five unionized Eagle Academy public schools in New York City and Newark.

While the schools aren’t charters, Banks has said he supports charter schools. He told in December that families “are desperate for quality seats, quality schools … And if the traditional public schools were offering that, you wouldn’t see such a mass rush to the charter schools.”

Banks created the Eagle Academy schools to serve academically struggling boys of color in grades six through 12 who often face harsh discipline. As chancellor, he said, his first priorities are to expand early childhood education, improve career pathways for older students, and to combat students’ trauma.

, president of the United Federation of Teachers, the city’s union, has known Banks for years. “I’ve been at his schools and I found them to be quite well-run,” he said. All the same, running the largest school district in the nation will force him to tame the city schools’ “mammoth bureaucracy.” 

The last two mayors have restructured the school system six times, Mulgrew said. “And every time, all they did was add another layer.”

In his , Banks on March 2 acknowledged that many families have “decided to vote with their feet, and to say, ‘We’re going to find other alternatives and other choices for our children.’” 

He promised an overhaul of the bureaucracy, including requiring district superintendents to reapply for their jobs. And he took direct aim at the way many schools teach reading, criticizing a method developed by a Columbia University Teachers College professor that “has not worked” with many children. He promised to shift to a method that emphasizes explicit phonics instruction, among other changes.

Banks has also said he’d like to transform city schools from the bottom up by handing to “principals who know what they’re doing,” according to the speech. He also wants to tweak how standardized tests are used, allowing students to show they’ve mastered content in other ways.

His ascendance stands in contrast to previous leaders who have looked suspiciously on the charter sector. New York actually caps the number of charter schools statewide at 460, with just 290 allowed for nearly 1 million students in New York City. While it’d take a state-level change to allow more, choice advocates said Banks can eloquently make the case.

“It feels to me like this is the moment where we can really see that there is a friend of charters back at the helm of New York City schools, which I think is really great to see, and I know is probably sending some shockwaves,” said Porter-Magee.

So far, at least, Banks hasn’t forcefully pushed to lift the cap, in December, “We want to scale excellence. So if that means opening a few more charter schools, that’s what we’re going to do … if we can get the state to approve it.” But he said he’s also encouraging the philanthropic community “to lean in on the traditional public school system, because at the end of the day, most of our children will continue to go to our traditional public schools.”

Enrollment downturns

Carvalho, who led Miami-Dade schools for 14 years, has been able to compete with charters by creating centralized data systems that allowed him to keep track of students’ academic progress better than most big-city leaders during the pandemic, Rees said. 

A Portuguese immigrant, Carvalho grew up in Miami and worked restaurant and construction jobs early on. He came up through the ranks in Miami-Dade, starting out as a high school science teacher and becoming a new breed of area leader: one who sticks around. Before he took the top job in 2008, Miami-Dade “was a revolving door for superintendents coming and going,” Domenech said.

Sticking around paid off. In 2012, the district won the coveted $1 million Broad Prize for Urban Education, which recognizes school districts that have shown academic improvement while narrowing the achievement gap. More recent findings from the district’s Office of Academics and Transformation paint a : While Black students’ graduation rates rose from 62.4 percent in 2011 to 85.6 percent in 2020, just 40 percent of Black students in 2019 were proficient in reading; 44 percent were proficient in math. 

With parents clamoring to remediate lost instructional time during the pandemic, Domenech said Carvalho brought in “a very creative” program that contracted with camps to provide summer school.

Carvalho’s long tenure — the average big-city leader sticks around — is “a testament to his savvy in terms of the politics, in dealing with the board, in dealing with the community, in dealing with employee groups,” Domenech said.

He’ll need that savvy in Los Angeles, which also has recently featured a revolving door of superintendents, a strong union and an outspoken, ever-shifting school board — it currently has three seats open in the next election. In Los Angeles, Carvalho will work at the pleasure of the school board. Meanwhile, Banks and Martinez will work for the mayors of their respective cities.

During his second week at LAUSD, Carvalho unveiled a that includes expanded preschool, year-round learning and a “Parent Academy” offering coursework to help parents understand their children’s education. He’d also lengthen the school year and offer teachers more professional development. He acknowledged that he’d have to negotiate with the city’s teachers union about those last two ideas.

Carvalho last month told ����Ӱ�� the district must expand school choice if it wants to keep from “bleeding out students” from a system that, while much bigger than Miami, has fewer than one-third as many school choice options.

Los Angeles students, he said, basically have two choices at the moment: magnet schools and charter schools. “Whoever decided to restrict choice on the basis of those parameters?” he asked. “Where are the programs in L.A. where we see long waiting lists of parents? Why aren’t we expanding more of those programs to where the demand is?”

He has the district consider an “explosion of offerings” for students, including dual-enrollment programs, International Baccalaureate programs, fine and performing arts magnet schools, and single-gender schools, among others. “I’m less concerned about the dynamic of dialogue that usually separates people into two camps: charter versus non-charter. I’m more interested in programmatic offerings that benefit kids — period.”

Carvalho suggested that the district analyze which programs motivate students to travel long distances from their neighborhoods and offer more of these. “I can fill an entire wall with a repertoire of options for parents. Why aren’t we offering all of that?”

Throughout the pandemic, all three cities have struggled to retain and, in some cases, even find their students. All have seen in .

of the California Charter Schools Association said a crashing birth rate across California is a cause for concern. And net migration has actually dipped “into the negatives” as home due to anti-immigration policies and economic uncertainty.

“This is not about ‘The affluent went to Tahoe during the pandemic to hunker down,’” she said. “This is real and it’s permanent and it’s creating challenges across the state.”

An ‘innovative and data-informed’ school integration experiment

Born in Mexico, Martinez emigrated to the U.S. with his family when he was 5. He is in a family of 12 children with deep ties to Chicago’s public school system — three of his sisters and some 28 nieces and nephews attend local public schools. 

Martinez was working in finance for the Archdiocese of Chicago in 2003 when then-Chicago Public Schools Superintendent Arne Duncan hired him as chief financial officer. He remained there until 2009 — Duncan moved on to serve as U.S. Education Secretary under President Obama. Martinez made a name for himself leading the San Antonio Independent School District through a redesign, beginning in 2015, that ����Ӱ�� dubbed “one of America’s most innovative and data-informed school integration experiments.”

Using family income data, he mapped poverty levels for each city block. Then he integrated schools not by race but by income and, among other factors, by parents’ education levels. Three years later, San Antonio’s 90 schools and 47,000 students were among the fastest-improving in Texas.

In Chicago, he faces something entirely different: a 330,000-student system that’s as families leave the city. Recent enrollment data show that while 43,500 new students enrolled for the first time this year, 54,000 left between the last school year and this one.

On the job in Chicago for seven months, Martinez has already his first major crisis: the city’s teachers in early January voted to not show up for work until COVID-19 safety demands were met. 

Martinez proposed a host of measures, including building-level testing to determine when to close schools. But the union, with memories of an that ended with millions in extra spending, insisted on more strict measures, including negative PCR tests for all staff, students, and volunteers in order to keep schools open. 

The strike lasted just under a week after the district agreed to increase testing options, allow remote learning on a case-by-case basis, and secure more KN95 masks. Despite the agreement, union Vice President Stacy Davis Gates Mayor Lori Lightfoot as “unfit to lead our city. She’s on a one-woman kamikaze mission to destroy our public schools.”

‘This is the moment that unions should be at their strongest’

, a school consultant and occasional columnist for ����Ӱ��, said the political climate in all three cities reflects a desire by voters more broadly and parents specifically, to pull back from “super-progressive” policies, such as the Defund the Police movement, to more centrist strategies that simply ensure a solid education for all. Parents “just want a school system they can count on, that’s reliable, that is just serving their kids.”

, president of the education advocacy group 50CAN, said Adams, the New York mayor, campaigned on not just a return to moderation but normalcy: “The schools are open, the subways are safe. The restaurants work. People are back in their offices. That’s almost nostalgia now, and people crave that. And I think these candidates got that. And their education choices reflect that too.”

At the same time, unions are on the ascent. With their to in-person instruction amid COVID-19 spikes and a handful of recent in recent years, they’ve seen their and influence grow after years of declining membership. 

“This is the moment that unions should be at their strongest,” said , a resident senior fellow at the R Street Institute, a libertarian Washington, D.C., think tank. “This is a health crisis, and unions are designed to make sure that they’re protecting the health and safety of their members.”

But over the past few years, he said, unions in many places have “overplayed their hands” by demanding that instruction stay remote. The arrival of these new leaders may signal something different altogether: The new leaders are by no means union supporters, even if voters in each of their solidly blue cities are.

Rees, of the charter schools group, noted that Banks hired Dan Weisberg as first deputy chancellor. Since 2015, Weisberg has served as , a national nonprofit (formerly called The New Teacher Project) that has trained thousands of teachers outside of traditional teachers colleges. Since its founding in 1997, it has had a complicated relationship with unions. 

In 2018, after the U.S. Supreme Court dealt unions a blow by making a portion of members’ dues optional, Weisberg wrote that he disagreed with the decision, calling it “a matter of basic fairness that teachers who reap the benefits of collective bargaining should also share in the costs.”

But Weisberg also called the decision “a blessing in disguise” for unions, which he said “are now forced to finally confront an existential threat that’s been brewing for years: They’re losing touch with more and more of their members.”

Rees said Weisberg’s hiring “gives us confidence that there’s a new sheriff in town and that things are going to be a little bit different, or at least that the reform community and the charter school community will have a seat at the table.”

The Los Angeles Unified Board of Education on Tuesday unanimously approved a  with Alberto Carvalho as the district’s new superintendent. Carvalho, who has long served as chief of the Miami-Dade schools, will start March 1 or earlier. He’ll earn an annual salary of $440,000, plus other benefits.

“I cannot promise you the world. What I can promise you is this — tireless dedication to this community, much like I demonstrated tireless dedication to the community of Miami-Dade for 14 years,” he said during the board meeting. “This shall not be a flash in the pan. I am here to stay.”

Carvalho promised to focus on longstanding achievement gaps, empower parents to navigate school bureaucracy and offer more choice within the district to reverse declining enrollment. 

The Los Angeles Unified school board on Thursday unanimously Alberto Carvalho, one of the nation’s most respected — and buzzed about — school leaders, as the district’s next superintendent.

“This is like LeBron coming to the Lakers,” said Pedro Noguera, dean of the University of Southern California Rossier School of Education. “He is by far the most effective and innovative urban superintendent in the country. This is huge for L.A.”

The move to hire Carvalho, 57, who has led the Miami-Dade Public Schools since 2008 and famously courted, then rejected, the top job in New York City, means the nation’s three largest districts will be led by energetic reformers at a time when the pandemic has severely tested the public school system. 

Pedro Martinez recently became CEO of the Chicago Public Schools, and just Thursday, New York Mayor-elect Eric Adams announced , who founded a network of all-boys schools, would be the next schools chancellor. 

Los Angeles officials are in final negotiations with Carvalho and plan to vote on his contract Tuesday, according to a district statement.

Buoyed by a generally supportive teachers union, Carvalho racked up a string of awards and accomplishments in Miami, and the district saw steady improvement in student performance before the pandemic.

In the increasingly demanding world of district chiefs, Carvalho is something of an outlier. In a , Travis Pillow, editorial director at the Center on Reinventing Public Education, noted that eight of the 10 largest urban districts have seen leadership turnover since the beginning of the pandemic. Los Angeles Unified has had eight superintendents since 2006. Carvalho, by contrast, has held the same job since 2008, having spent his entire career in Miami, working first as a teacher, then assistant principal, communications officer and lobbyist before ascending to his role as superintendent.

“For the last three decades, I have selflessly dedicated my professional career to the children of Miami’s diverse community, and I am hoping to bring that same passion, compassion and commitment to the students and families in L.A. Unified,” Carvalho said in a statement.

He faces a very different context in the nation’s second-largest district, where enrollment has declined and the vocal United Teachers Los Angeles tends to have the upper hand in negotiations.

Education activist Ben Austin, who is currently pushing for a statewide ballot initiative giving students a constitutional right to a high-quality education, acknowledged Carvalho’s impressive national reputation.

But he cautioned that “LAUSD is a political black hole that has a long history of ending the careers of talented leaders.”

Noting that the “prolonged pandemic has underscored the critical importance of public schools for our communities,” UTLA President Cecily Myart-Cru said in a statement that the union was “ready to work” with Carvalho “to uplift public education in LA and build racially just, fully resourced schools that serve as community anchors, where educators are valued, families are supported, and students have the resources they need to thrive.”

Prior to the pandemic, the district saw notable on state tests, graduation rates and the percentage of English learners becoming proficient in English. But an analysis of data released in March showed that 40,000 high school students were off track for graduation and that reading skills among the district’s youngest students had sharply declined. 

“He’s had a really good run in Miami,” said Martinez. “I think L.A. needs a lot of work. It’s a great community, but they are behind most of the other large districts in improving student achievement.”

Politics in Florida may have pushed Carvalho toward a Democrat-led state that supports mask and vaccine mandates. In Florida, Carvalho was among several superintendents who defied Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis’s ban on districts mandating that students wear masks. Martinez, who left San Antonio for Chicago, said the two leaders gave each other “emotional support while we were fighting our governors and attorney generals.”

He added if anyone had asked him who he would recommend to lead Los Angeles, he would have said Carvalho.

During former Superintendent Austin Beutner’s tenure, UTLA leaders complained about him being a non-educator. With Carvalho, they’ll have a chief who knows well the inner-workings of a large school system. When he started as superintendent, the district was in financial turmoil and dozens of schools had D’s or F’s from the state. In 2018 and 2019, Miami-Dade received an A rating and had no failing schools. In 2012, the district received the , which recognized large systems showing progress, and Carvalho was named in 2014.

Arriving as an undocumented immigrant from Portugal as a teen, he worked in construction and restaurant jobs before entering college and changing career paths from pre-med to education.

The district, drawing on Carvalho’s dramatic background, noted that he “has a story not unlike many of the students in L.A. Unified.”

Katie Braude, CEO of parent advocacy group Speak UP, praised his fluency in Spanish and “experience in a district with a similar student population.”

“Carvalho’s length of tenure in Miami-Dade is a positive contrast to LAUSD’s frequent leadership turnover in the last two decades,” she said in a statement. “We’re encouraged by his track record of strong education leadership, accountability and school turnaround.”

Carvalho faces an uncertain environment on school choice in Los Angeles, where the charter school community has hit roadblocks to expansion. But in Miami, he for adapting to a growing school choice movement by offering a thriving array of magnet schools.

With Los Angeles authorizing 225 charter schools, the California Charter School Association is hoping his support of innovative school models — he founded a magnet school and named himself its principal — will translate to Los Angeles.

“There is no room for error in getting our current generation of students the educational supports and opportunities they need,” CEO Myrna Castrejón said in a statement. “We cannot be in denial that learning loss is real and that our kids are hurting.”

Carvalho’s personal life has been more rocky than his professional one. In 2007, he received from a reporter, which likely cost him his first opportunity to be superintendent in Florida’s Pinellas County. Earlier this year, he was of infidelity on a now-deleted Instagram account.

But it was his public flirtation with the New York City job — and subsequent rejection of it on live T.V. — that brought Carvalho in for his greatest public scrutiny.

In what has been jokingly called “The Carvalho Show,” he turned down Mayor Bill de Blasio’s offer during a press conference, apparently swayed by adulation from a devoted Miami community that didn’t want him to leave.

But Noguera suggested that Carvalho likely rejected the New York job because he was also concerned about “micromanaging from de Blasio.” 

Unlike New York City, the Los Angeles district is not under mayoral control; rather, it has a paid, full-time school board and elections that draw millions in campaign donations. 

Some education advocates questioned whether a leader from outside the district has the deep connections and understanding of the community that Los Angeles needs. 

“There were several highly qualified candidates who have deep experience in the Los Angeles education system, strong relationships with the families, educators and community, and who share the lived experience of many Los Angeles students and families,” said Ana Ponce, executive director of Great Public Schools Now, an advocacy group. “A candidate without these qualities will need to quickly demonstrate a commitment to establishing authentic two-way relationships with all of us vested in the futures of Los Angeles students.”

Noguera agreed.

“He is going to need people around him who know L.A.,” he said, adding, “What Carvalho showed in Miami is he can bring about steady improvement in a large, urban system.”

The U.S. Department of Education will hold a virtual summit on June 22 — the first in a series of events focused on addressing the inequitable impact of the pandemic on students of color and other high-need groups.

Setting the stage for the conversation, the department’s Office for Civil Rights released a report Wednesday, summarizing what it calls a “developing story” of how the shift to remote learning and the public health crisis widened disparities in students’ access to a quality education.

Drawing on existing surveys, research and assessment data, the report recapped how vulnerable groups, including English learners, students with disabilities and LGBTQ students, faced significant barriers to learning before the pandemic, only to be further cut off from the support they needed during school closures. The report comes the same week as a public hearing on Title IX and follows last week’s that the Office for Civil Rights will accept public comments on discrimination in school discipline, offering further evidence that an arm of the department that was downsized during the previous administration is leading much of the agenda so far under Education Secretary Miguel Cardona.

The department also released for how states and districts can implement the “maintenance of equity” provision of the American Rescue Plan, which is intended to prevent budget and staffing cuts at high-poverty schools.

The upcoming summit, guidance and report comply with an President Joe Biden issued when he took office, directing federal agencies to examine the challenges facing underserved communities.

Offering 11 observations of the pandemic’s impact on students, the report noted “worrisome signs” that academic performance has fallen below per-pandemic levels, that nearly all students have experienced mental health challenges and that gay, lesbian and transgender students have been at increased risk of isolation, harassment or abuse.

“Those who went into the pandemic with the fewest opportunities are at risk of leaving with even less,” the report said.

The event later this month will focus on how students can influence the schools they attend, continuing Cardona’s emphasis on student voice. He’s met with students during school visits, featured students during his school reopening summit in March and held a roundtable discussion with homeless youth in April.

Other speakers at the summit will include Deputy Secretary Cindy Marten, Pedro Noguera, dean of education at the University of Southern California, and Olivia Carter, the 2021 School Counselor of the Year.

The report out Wednesday stressed the role of civil rights protections for students as they recover from the pandemic. Schools, for example, must enroll homeless students without requiring proof of residency documents and ensure English learners receive language instruction and support.

The report noted that prior to the pandemic, students of color and students with disabilities were more likely to face suspension, expulsion and other harsh discipline practices. Now, the hardship, grief and loss some students have experienced may contribute to behavior challenges once they return to school full time. Schools, as a result, will have a greater need for educators and other specialists who understand how to work with students who have experienced trauma, according to the report.

The pandemic revealed “deep cracks in the foundation” of the nation’s schools, the report said. “We have an extraordinary opportunity to move forward with full awareness of these cracks and recognition of the essential need to address and repair them.”