For example, as dramatic as the Trump administration’s demolition of the U.S. Department of Education feels — this simply delivers on a core, decades-old Republican Party , one the GOP only really suspended from 2000 to 2008. 

The administration’s sustained in government programs, society and schools is another of those throwback moves. It might feel new, it might feel unthinkable in a country like ours, one with an exceptional history of linguistic diversity — from German-language to Univisión and , to polyglot sports stars and and . But the current crusade against America’s many non-English languages is actually another atavistic revival of a longstanding conservative project. 

While this monolingual project has found periodic success in the past, the administration’s position occupies surprisingly unpopular turf in the present. from families of school-aged kids suggest that this move runs counter to Americans’ current views on multilingualism — particularly in U.S. schools. 

Polling and focus group data from I published at The Century Foundation suggest that Trump’s English-only agenda is unpopular. My co-authors and I conducted a half-dozen focus groups in English and in Spanish with 64 Latino families across California — and used the results to construct a survey that we administered to a diverse group of 1,000 families in the state. 

We found overwhelming family interest in bilingualism. Fully 94% of families that speak a non-English language at home said that it was “very” or “extremely” important that their child grow up speaking multiple languages. Perhaps more surprisingly, 55% of monolingual English-speaking families agreed. 

Bilingualism isn’t just popular as a value or a possible set of skills for children. Families we spoke with made it clear that they’re enthusiastic about enrolling their children in bilingual or dual language K–12 programs. Nearly two-thirds of families speaking a non-English language at home “strongly” agreed that it was helpful to have their children learning two languages at school, and another 30% “somewhat” agreed. 

Further, when we asked respondents to rank their interest in bilingual education programs on a scale of one to 10, their average rating was a 7.9. More than three-quarters of respondents ranked their interest in bilingual education at seven or higher. Latino families showed similar levels of interest, with 40% rating their interest in bilingual education as 10 out of 10. 

We focused on California families for this study because it, along with Massachusetts and Arizona, hosted a surge of English-only political crusading just a few decades ago. Around the turn of this century, conservatives fought to ban bilingual education and establish English as the “” in their and across the broader country. The organizations, like , carrying this “English-Only” banner were overt in linking their war on multilingualism to an anti-immigrant, anti-multicultural agenda. 

A few years earlier, while running for president in 1995, , “With all the divisive forces tearing at our country, we need the glue of language to help hold us together. If we want to ensure that all our children have the same opportunities in life, alternative language education should stop and English should be acknowledged once and for all as the official language of the United States.”

Many of these 1990s vintage, English-only policies have been by legislation or by voters in state referenda, but the Trump administration breathed new life into them in 2025. Last March, the president signed designating English as the official language of the United States and rescinding non-binding guidance on when federal agencies should provide services in multiple languages. In July, the administration released discouraging federal agencies from offering translation services and instructing them to “prioritize English.” 

If this feels negligible — a minor issue far too insignificant to be politically salient — consider that attacks on multilingualism are (inevitably) attacks on highly popular education programs like dual language immersion schools. The administration’s aggressive detention and deportation campaign is already reducing the daily linguistic diversity of U.S. schools by for of and English learners. 

Should it continue, will shrink the country’s multilingual student population. Not only are linguistically diverse English learners to , they’ve been buttressing school enrollment levels in . 

Put another way: our data indicate that Trump’s immigration agenda may somehow have even more room to fall as it erodes the multilingual vision of American society that people like. 

Many have soured on harsh detention policies that are , and/or law-abiding community members and . Opposition to these policies will only grow as the administration’s ugly treatment of immigrants begins harming the schools of more families — whatever languages they speak at home. 

While a majority agree on democracy’s importance, many feel unsure how to effectively participate in it or preserve it. For some, the frustration has taken a concerning turn: 11% said political violence is sometimes necessary to achieve progress. 

And while the poll’s creators expected to find significant variance based on race, gender and location — rural versus urban, for example — other factors, including socioeconomic status and access to civics education, played a major role in shaping young peoples’ beliefs. 

For example, those who received less support for their civic development “are less committed to a democracy that they may not feel prepared to participate in or feel they are a part of,” the report notes. 

“They’re not completely disaffected,” said research specialist Deborah Apau of Gen Z. “The problem is that while they do believe in democracy, they don’t feel that democracy as they experience it today is delivering for them. It’s that disconnection that’s really causing the issue.”

The poll was conducted between Nov. 14-26, 2024, just after a historically contentious presidential election in which the youth vote . The results were released earlier this month by the Center for Information & Research on Civic Learning and Engagement at Tufts University and Protect Democracy, a nonprofit “dedicated to defeating the authoritarian threat, building more resilient democratic institutions, and protecting our freedom.” The polling firm Ipsos collected the data.

The findings might help explain Donald Trump’s popularity among young voters in his third run: nearly half under 30 supported the Republican nominee, , a survey of more than 120,000 voters. While he had massive appeal for young white men, he also fared well with young Latino men, who split their vote between Trump and Democrat Kamala Harris. 

The CIRCLE and Protect Democracy poll, which measured Gen Z’s beliefs and perspectives on democracy, civil rights and political violence, along with their support for bipartisan cooperation and feelings toward opposing political groups, revealed that young people crave bipartisanship and compromise.

Nearly 4 out of 5 say leaders of opposing parties should work together and 65% believe people with deeply opposing political views can find common ground. Likewise, only 17% agree that those who hold political opinions different from their own are “wrong.” 

Nearly three quarters of its 1,286 respondents said elected leaders should not be able to go above the law. The poll’s findings are landing at a time when many see the country as on the verge of a constitutional crisis, with Trump and at least one federal court judge finding grounds last week .

In an effort to engage young people, the organizations recommend they be brought into the democratic process, that the nation invest in civic learning, and that those wishing for Gen Z to boost their participation acknowledge their diversity and create opportunities for collaboration and collective action that leverages their strengths.

The poll notes that young people’s lives were shaped by economic instability, history-making political shifts, a proliferation of school shootings, the rise of social media and COVID. A full 81% of respondents acknowledged the value and meaning of free and fair elections.

The survey found, too, that 63% had a “passive appreciation” of democracy, meaning they trust government institutions, have a high regard for democratic principles, and reject authoritarianism and political violence. But, the study’s authors note, their satisfaction and trust may be leading to complacency as this group generally does not take political action outside of voting.

Thirty-one percent had a “dismissive detachment” from democracy: They didn’t express through the survey that they value core democratic principles and processes. They have low confidence in the system as it is working now and demonstrate higher support for authoritarian governance compared to their peers in other categories. 

Pollsters note this group has “the lowest levels of media literacy, suggesting that they are often consuming political information without the ability or willingness to confirm its source, truthfulness, or intent.” They also reported little confidence in their ability to be effective political actors.

Seven percent of Gen Z participants had a “hostile dissatisfaction” with democracy. While they value its core principles, they are “highly displeased” with it as they are experiencing it today, authors note. 

Despite — or perhaps because of — their frustration, they are the most politically active within this age group and express the highest support for political violence. The report notes, too, they are highly polarized “and their frustrations with the current system run so deep that they are more willing to consider extreme measures to achieve political goals.”

They are by far the most likely to participate in other forms of civic action like volunteering or taking on leadership roles and are willing to fight for the democracy they want. The report notes they score highest of all in media literacy, “which suggests they may be more informed about the state of democracy than some of their peers.” 

They are also more ideologically liberal than those in the other two groups and are more likely to be queer compared to the passive appreciation cohort.

“As knowledgeable actors with a respect for democratic values and a willingness to actively participate through both traditional and non-traditional forms of civic action, these youth who feel a hostile dissatisfaction with our democracy are also a powerful force for reshaping it,” the report observes. 

Sara Suzuki, senior researcher at CIRCLE, was surprised by the size of the first group defined by its “passive appreciation.” While she’s concerned about their relative inaction, she sees opportunity for them “to do something about the problems they see instead of sort of letting it happen.”

Apau, of Protect Democracy, said even the group that supports violence as a means of change still believes in democratic ideals — including its ability to function well.  

“They feel they’ve exhausted their options in terms of participating in things like voting and protests and they’re not able to secure the responses that they want,” she said.

Apau said it’s important to understand Gen Z and give them the tools they need, “so they’re resourced, they have the knowledge they need to move throughout the world later in life and in adulthood — and understand how systems work.”

The , released in August by and research firm surveyed 900 Missouri voters about politics, schools and LGBTQ topics in education. Nearly a third of voters (29%) rated Missouri public schools as poor, markedly more than the 17% who did in June 2020.

Gary Ritter, dean of the university’s school of education, said the fact that Missouri voters are losing confidence in their schools isn’t a surprise — it’s also a finding that is reflected  

Ritter said like others across the U.S., Missouri voters saw their faith in education erode through the pandemic, as districts have struggled with remote learning and academic loss.

“We’ve had a peek into what goes on in crisis-mode school, when you’re trying to figure out how to deal with a pandemic,” Ritter told ����Ӱ��. “So folks are slightly less confident in school performance and school quality, just as I think any of us would have guessed. Missouri looks like the country in that way.”

The poll, which began in 2020, is conducted online about every six months with U.S. residents who have registered to participate in YouGov web surveys. It has a plus or minus margin of error of 4 percentage points. Most questions are similar each time and are about issues that are top priorities to Missourians.

The latest poll included more questions about teachers in general, said Ashley Burle, chief of operations and research fellow at Saint Louis University. 

“One thing that I tried to connect is some of the issues related to teachers and more broadly connecting it to the teacher pipeline issues,” Burle said. “We know that there are issues that need to be addressed. There are things that need to be done to help the teacher pipeline get back on track, so I’d love to see us kind of make that more clear connection between a lot of those points in the future polls.”

Just over half (51%) of voters said they have “a great deal” or “a good amount” of trust and confidence in Missouri’s public school teachers. Less than one-third (28%) of voters said they had some trust while the remaining voters either said no or weren’t sure.

About 54% of voters viewed the K-12 teacher shortage as a problem in their community and a strong percentage of respondents (81%) think teacher salaries should increase. 

But only 35% said they would advise a young adult to become a teacher, while 45% said they wouldn’t and 20% weren’t sure.

The poll also conveys a slight openness to charter schools with 55% of respondents saying they believe charter schools should operate in all areas of the state and 52% saying they want them to operate in their own district. 

Ritter said currently most charter schools operate in the Kansas City or St. Louis metropolitan areas because of that controls where the schools, which are publicly funded but independently run, can be located.

Burle said she was surprised about the results regarding more controversial topics in the classroom, such as gender identity and sexual orientation.

More than half (56%) of voters said they approve of the discussion of sexual orientation in high school compared to 18% in elementary school. These results were similar for the discussion of gender identity. Roughly half of voters also opposed the banning of books that feature LGBTQ youth.

Missouri grappled with of Florida’s “Don’t Say Gay” bill during this year’s legislative session. The bill would have banned the discussion of gender identity or sexual orientation in schools, but it failed to pass.

“It was interesting to see the gradation in responses. We kind of think this is an all-or- nothing issue — either we teach these things in all the schools or we don’t teach them in any of the schools,” Burle said. “In fact, voters think, ‘Hey, actually, for older kids, in high schools in particular, we actually think it’s OK.’ I think it just shows you there’s a little bit of an area of gray.”

Ritter said he hopes policymakers will use the results to inform themselves about what Missouri voters find important. While Saint Louis University researchers are still analyzing the latest poll results, people can on the university website.

“We’re going to be digging in to say, what question should we double down on in the next poll? What do we want to learn?” Ritter said. “So we’ll be trying to figure out again how we can find interesting trends.”

But those stereotypes have little basis in reality, according to the book, Fight: How Gen Z is Channeling Their Fear and Passion to Save America, released earlier this year. 

John Della Volpe, author and director of polling at the Harvard Kennedy School, analyzed the generation’s stressors and biggest motivators — and found Zoomers are more action-oriented, politically engaged and optimistic than portrayed.

Zoomers show up at the polls in historic numbers, for instance, while experiencing higher rates of depression and anxiety than older peers. Young people in the U.S. have grown up in an era marked by record gun violence, the opioid epidemic, threats to fair elections, the pandemic, economic recession and police brutality, Della Volpe notes.

“Rather than melting … just kind of turning away, when you see all this chaos, which would be what a lot of people would expect,” Della Volpe told ����Ӱ��, “[Gen Z] has actually become more focused, more motivated, potentially more angry, and more concerned about creating justice, not just for themselves, but for all those who are vulnerable across the country.”

In 2021, 61% of Zoomers agreed the government should do more to reduce poverty; 64% agreed basic health insurance is a right, according to the Harvard Institute of Polling. Both rates are up about 20% when compared to 2015’s results from millennials. 

And in the words of Alex, a Black high school student in the Midwest, Gen Zers “can be extremely effective leaders, as many of us have been educating ourselves on social issues for a lot of our lives.” 

“We are more empathetic, tuned in to the news, and educated,” Alex told Della Volpe. 

Zoomers are also painfully aware of the differences between themselves, born in the late 90s and early 2000s, and people born prior who would not have had the experience of fearing death at schools, theaters, or grocery stores.

“An older generation would not understand walking into a classroom and thinking about how easy it would be for someone to shoot it up,” said Grace, then 20, naming what she thinks older generations fundamentally misunderstand in one of Della Volpe’s focus groups. “The same daily weight on an adult’s shoulders over bills or taxes is what children feel about living or dying.” 

Below, explore five myths media and older generations get wrong about Gen Z: 

1. Myth: “Zoomers don’t show up at the polls”

In both the 2018 and 2020 presidential election, Gen Z’s turnout broke records. When over a third of eligible young people cast a vote in 2018, it nearly doubled 2014’s rate. 

Young voters, according to hundreds of focus group findings, are overwhelmingly eager to address some of society’s most pressing challenges. 

“Because it’s my responsibility…to do everything I can to make the world even just a little bit better. Even if it’s not the world that I would like to see, I cannot in good conscience allow the status quo to continue,” a Gen Zer from Western Pennsylvania notes in the book, explaining why she’d vote despite not being fully supportive of Biden. 

“…Clean and healthy environments, access to quality education, those are values that this generation just doesn’t compromise on,” Della Volpe said. “And currently, my perception is that there’s only one party developing solutions to address these issues, these systemic issues, including racial justice, policing, we can make a long list… any party that does not address those issues will become irrelevant in the future.” 

2. Myth: “Gen Z is too soft or sensitive.”

There’s a perception that Zoomers “melt” under the pressure of the moment, perhaps because they are twice as likely as Americans over 30 to experience anxiety and depression — likely in part due to the social and political trauma they’ve experienced. They’ve experienced chaos without healing across divides for a common goal, Della Volpe explained.

53% say they had little interest in doing things; 48% had trouble concentrating; and 28% thought about self-harm or believed they’d be better off dead, according to a Harvard poll conducted over two-weeks in March 2021. 

Simultaneously, there’s incredible empathy and resilience among young people eager to , talk about mental health and “seek help and closure”, Della Volpe said, to find ways to thrive.

“I dropped out because the cause of my depression and anxiety was taking so much of my time that I wasn’t getting any work done,” Katherine, then 19, said in a focus group. “My new homeroom teacher was really, really supportive, and helped me…so I could actually get towards graduating… just having someone to talk to saved me.”

3. Myth: “Young people don’t want to have hard conversations.”

In the thousands of conversations Della Volpe has held with young people of varied demographics across the country, he cannot remember a single time the group turned contentious. 

Often, he said, they found the meetings therapeutic.

“There are so many opportunities to have meaningful conversations about income inequality, climate, sexuality, racism…Search for those opportunities and try to engage, keep an open mind,” Della Volpe said. “Young people would welcome debates and different points of view.”

One way he imagined this happening more regularly in schools is to open up cafeterias, parking lots, or auditoriums for conversations or listening sessions where young people could vent, talk through what they’re witnessing in the world. 

“The direction of the country is also a new weight and a new challenge to them. So it’s helpful for parents and teachers to look for opportunities to engage in those conversations, rather than run away from them,” he added. 

4. Myth: “Gen Z is all liberal or socialist.”

Young people are not fully aligned politically. While a third support socialism broadly, only 15% identify as socialist. About 45% support capitalism — a rate that climbed to 54% among people shown a definition before sharing their opinion. 

When shown definitions of traditional socialism, support dropped to 24%. 

As one group of undergraduates explained, they’re looking for a form of capitalism that rewards everyone, not just the most privileged and wealthy. Zoomers look to learn from capitalist economies where healthcare and family are still prioritized, in places like Norway. 

“While everyone’s becoming more progressive, there’s a sense of pragmatism and diversity that exists kind of below the surface,” Della Volpe said. 

5. Myth: “Zoomers can’t deal with face-face interactions.”

“That’s because [they] have grown up behind a screen or with a smartphone in your hands. I don’t think that’s a zero sum game,” Della Volpe said of the assumption. 

Growing up with unprecedented access to the internet created a generation both adept at technology and emotionally intelligent. Gen Zers are communicators, comfortable with the nuances of remote work, how to leverage social media and express emotion or share resources on TikTok.

“What I’ve found, especially my qualitative research, is this personal agency — this ability to not just speak in developing relationships with friends, but also to use your voice to speak out for justice,” Della Volpe said.

Nearly half of all adolescents surveyed said they felt closer to their parents after two years of disrupted learning, but a sizable group grew more distant from classmates and teachers than they were in February 2020. A strong majority also said they wished school would be delivered fully in-person from now on.

, released last week by the Pew Research Center, pointed to some of the same trends that have been on display in other public opinion data released over the last two years: A plurality of parents said they were “very satisfied” with the way schools handled online learning, but a large minority were also concerned their children would fall behind academically. Teenage respondents generally did not share that concern, but were also more likely to describe themselves as unhappy with virtual instruction at their school.

Colleen McClain, a Pew research associate and one of the report’s lead authors, said the findings offered a “complex picture” of how the pandemic affected teenagers’ academic and social realities.

“I think it really paints a nuanced perspective of what teens have been through during the pandemic, what they’re still going through, and how it varies depending on a lot of factors.”

The survey, conducted between April 14 and May 4, queried over 1,300 pairs of U.S. teens (between the ages of 13 and 17) and their parents about their experiences at school and attitudes toward learning. Responses were disaggregated by both race and family income to show how families of different backgrounds were weathering the late stages of the pandemic.

Somewhat surprisingly, only about 80 percent of students in the nationally representative sample said they had attended school fully in-person over the previous month (i.e., between mid-March and early April). Conversely, in a public letter circulated in May, “more than 99 percent of schools and colleges are open.” Both statements could simultaneously be true, with K-12 schools remaining “open” for in-person learning even as significant numbers of students studied remotely during a time of . But the large group of students either learning completely online (8 percent) or in a hybrid model (11 percent) indicates a wide variety of school experiences in the spring of 2022.

The persistent, if periodic, absence of teenagers from school campuses could help explain the impact that the pandemic has left on their personal relationships. On the positive side, fully 95 percent of teenagers said they felt as close, or even more close, to their parents or guardians as they were before the pandemic began — a notable development after long months spent in much closer proximity than was previously the norm. 

But even as it gathered household members closer together, COVID also seemed to wall off teenagers from their more peripheral social ties. This was especially true in school communities, where about one-third of respondents said they felt less close to classmates and teachers than before the coronavirus outbreak.

Across all categories of relationships, McClain reflected, most students said they were “about as close” as they were three years ago. “But when you get to friends, extended family, classmates, teachers — people that teens probably wouldn’t have seen quite as much during the pandemic — you do see these larger shares saying that they feel less close to them.”

The growing feelings of isolation from school peers are perhaps unsurprising, given the exigencies of remote instruction. Still, they are notable in the context of child socialization: The early teen years are when children typically become more free of their immediate families and more dependent on relationships with their peers. Earlier pandemic research has indicated that while depression and anxiety increased among young adults in 2020 and 2021, many found solace in connecting with their friends on social media.

The study authors did note “modest” differences in these trends, with African American students being somewhat more likely than whites to describe themselves as becoming more distant from friends.

Among the report’s other findings:

• Asked what kind of schooling they would choose in the wake of COVID-19, about two-thirds of all students said they wanted to attend classes entirely in-person. Nine percent said they would prefer completely online coursework, and 18 percent would opt for a hybrid. 

• Black students were the demographic group least likely to favor a full return to in-person schooling, with just 51 percent backing that option. Over 40 percent said they would welcome either a hybrid or fully online experience.

• A plurality of parents — 39 percent in all — said they were either “very” or “extremely” satisfied with their local schools’ approach to virtual learning. By comparison, just 28 percent of students themselves said the same, while 30 percent said they were “a little” or “not at all” satisfied.

• Just one-in-six teenage respondents said they were very or extremely worried about falling behind in school, compared with 28 percent of parents. Hispanic respondents were the most likely to voice this concern, with 28 percent of Hispanic teens and 42 percent of Hispanic parents saying they were very or extremely worried.

But according to public opinion data released Monday, Democrats and Republicans are actually internally divided by significant generation gaps in their attitudes toward certain aspects of education. Younger Democrats are much more likely to favor school choice than their older counterparts, pollsters found, while Millennial and Generation Z Republicans look more favorably on teachers’ unions than Baby Boomers.

The polling was administered in March by the research group SocialSphere on behalf of Murmuration, a reform-oriented nonprofit. Roughly seven months ahead of a midterm election cycle that could shake up control of Congress and state governments, its findings strongly suggest that voters of all backgrounds see public education as a crucial issue after two years of COVID-related tumult. 

SocialSphere founder John Della Volpe, the director of polling at the Harvard Kennedy Institute of Politics and a former advisor to the Biden presidential campaign, said that he and his colleagues had detected significant, generational cleavages within the parties across a host of focus groups conducted with respondents from around the country.

“The new generations of voters, who have already played a significant role in the 2018 and 2020 elections, leave their partisanship at home when they go to vote and engage with schools,” Della Volpe said. “The old framework that has governed education politics really is not relevant in 2022.”

With a sample of nearly 7,000 registered voters, the research combines and weights a single national poll with additional surveys in nine states and Washington, D.C. Several — California, Texas, Tennessee, Colorado, and Georgia — are holding gubernatorial elections this fall, while the nation’s capital will choose its mayor. 

shows President Biden’s party facing tough odds in November, with discontentment around the economy and foreign affairs driving voters toward a typical midterm flip; those trends were crystallized in last year’s surprising breakthrough by Republican Glenn Youngkin, who won the Virginia governor’s race after focusing intensely on pandemic school closures and the backlash against equity politics in schools. 

But when asked which party’s education values aligned most closely with their own, just 34 percent of SocialSphere respondents chose the GOP, compared with 44 percent who sided with Democrats. Another 22 percent said they were unsure. In state-level polls, Democrats were favored on education among voters in California (where they led on the issue by a 19-point margin), Colorado (17 points), Georgia (seven points), New Jersey (26 points), Texas (10 points), and Washington, D.C. (66 points); Republicans held an advantage in Louisiana and Missouri (both by five-point margins), while responses were within the margin of error in both Indiana and Tennessee.

Perhaps more notable than the clash between the parties are the fissures within each. The controversy over critical race theory in K-12 classrooms has acted as the main dividing line between left and right during the Biden era, with outraged parents in multiple states launching dozens of recall efforts against school board members over the teaching of controversial topics like race, gender, and sexuality. Some political experts see the emergence of anti-CRT activist groups like Moms for Liberty as reflecting a populist wave that could both deliver Republican victories this fall and change curricula in classrooms going forward.

Surprisingly, the issue may split Republicans more on the basis of age than it unites them in ideology. Asked whether school districts should teach “all aspects of American history,” including the legacy of slavery and racism, 59 percent of Millennial and Gen Z Republicans said yes, while 28 percent favored banning such lessons. Among Republicans in the Baby Boom and Silent Generations, just 44 percent supported teaching about these subjects, while 46 percent said the practice should be banned if it made white students uncomfortable. The resulting gap between the party’s oldest and youngest voters stands at 33 percentage points. 

Those findings jibe with those of other national polls, which have generally shown widespread support for teaching about the persistence of racism throughout U.S. history. , however, that responses to the issue can vary greatly depending on how questions are phrased.

Teachers’ unions, typically viewed with suspicion on the right, engendered similarly disparate responses. Millennial and Gen Z Republicans gave local unions a favorability rating of plus-15 percent (44 percent favorable versus 29 percent unfavorable), while members of Generation X rated them minus-10 (32 percent favorable versus 42 percent unfavorable.) But those over the age of 57, falling into the Baby Boom and Silent Generations, were much more hostile (25 percent favorable versus 55 percent unfavorable.) While political perceptions can change as young people come to be more aligned with the positions of their favored political party, Della Volpe argued that “nothing in this data” suggests that the views of younger Republican voters will come to resemble those of their parents and grandparents.

Age gaps were apparent on the left as well. The idea of school choice — defined for respondents by SocialSphere as “​​the freedom to choose the educational environment that serves [one’s] children best, regardless of financial ability or home address” — received support from 61 percent of the youngest Democratic voters, but just 38 percent of the oldest. Overall, Democrats above the age of 57 viewed school choice slightly unfavorably (38 percent support versus 44 percent opposition). By contrast, the national Democratic Party has spent much of the last decade distancing itself from alternatives to traditional public schools, which it largely embraced under Presidents Clinton and Obama. Democratic officials at the state and local levels have attempted to curb the growth of charter schools, while the party’s 2020 platform called for “measures to increase accountability” from the sector.

Della Volpe, who recently about the political emergence of Generation Z, said that his past surveys of people in their 20s revealed a cohort that prizes choice and agency above all.

“We see a group that is less supportive of school choice, and they’re aging out of the electorate,” he said. “They’re being replaced by others who value choice, specifically when it comes to their children.”

Pandemic fallout

More broadly, the SocialSphere data indicates that voters across partisan, racial, and gender demographics count public education among the most important political issues of the day. Fifty-two percent of all respondents rated K-12 schools as “very important,” with majorities in all but three state-level surveys saying likewise. That represents a larger share than those rating immigration, climate change, and the protection of traditional values very important, though somewhat lower than inflation (73 percent), the economy (73 percent), health care (67 percent), crime (61 percent), and foreign policy (56 percent). 

Somewhat larger shares of African Americans and Hispanics characterized education as very important (60 percent and 58 percent, respectively) than whites (49 percent). But when asked whether Americans “need to do more as a nation” to ensure that all children receive a high-quality education, the margins among members of different racial groups were virtually identical. Some 60 percent of Republicans agreed with that sentiment, along with 72 percent of Democrats.

The poll’s results also indicate significant, though possibly divergent, support for changes to the U.S. education system. Fifty-three percent of voters, and 55 percent of parents of school-aged children, agreed that the post-COVID recovery was “the time to begin working on the big ideas and changes necessary to improve education,” while 38 percent of voters said they’d prefer to “get back to normal.” But while Democrats agreed on the need for new reforms by a 60-31 split, only a slight plurality of Republicans did (49-43). 

Emma Bloomberg, the founder of Murmuration, said in an interview that the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic were likely behind the public’s willingness to embrace new approaches. Dissatisfaction with schools’ performance, especially with regard to lengthy closures, may have convinced parents that extensive new measures would need to be taken to help their children catch up from two years of lost learning.

“I can’t think what else it could have been, other than this pandemic offering a window into those classrooms — there’s nothing like actually seeing how your kids are or aren’t learning — and then the bungled reopening by so many districts…has just left families feeling like the school system didn’t prioritize their children,” said Bloomberg.

Bloomberg said she was heartened to see bipartisan willingness to expend greater national resources in pursuit of a better K-12 system, adding that she hoped younger partisans would vote their beliefs in the coming months. The eldest daughter of one of America’s most prominent advocates for school choice, former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, she said that Millennials’ relative detachment from political orthodoxy could make them “more reasonable and attuned to the impacts of policies on communities” — if they actually made it to the ballot box.

“Young voters get a lot of hype, and it’s always ‘Will they or won’t they turn out?’ This moment really does feel like…an opportunity to engage younger generations. If they believe deeply in the importance of a high-functioning public education system, that gives me hope not only for this cycle, but certainly for the cycles ahead.”