If San Francisco educators walk out, it will be the city’s first teacher strike in nearly 50 years. United Educators of San Francisco approved a walkout with the second of two nearly unanimous votes last week. Its bargaining team is to decide within 10 days whether it will strike. 

United Teachers of Los Angeles, which represents more than 35,000 educators in California鈥檚 largest school district, has been in negotiations since February 2025. Both parties clashed over pay raises and in December. A strike vote passed with a member approval on Monday. 

With 6,500 members, United Educators of San Francisco has been negotiating with the district since March. The union asked for a 14% pay increase for support staff and 9% for teachers over two years, along with improvements to health care coverage, special education teacher workloads and family housing. 

鈥淲e remain prepared to hear any real solutions the district may formally bring to the table that will stabilize our district for our students, educators and families,鈥� the union said in a Tuesday. 

The San Francisco Unified School District has a 2% yearly increase, totaling 6% over three years. It on Saturday that a $102 budget deficit makes it impossible to meet the union鈥檚 demands.

鈥淎ny raises above the current proposals from the district will force further cuts at school sites that will impact the district鈥檚 ability to serve all of its students long-term,鈥� the district .

The union that San Francisco Unified recently allocated $111 million to its rainy-day fund, 鈥渕oney members say needs to be directed back to classrooms and school sites.鈥�

In Los Angeles, the union is an 18% immediate pay raise with a 3% bump the second year of the contract. Los Angeles Unified two consecutive raises of 2.5% and 2% and a one-time payment of 1% of an employee鈥檚 salary. A strike deadline has not yet been set.

Cheryl Coney, the union鈥檚 executive director, wrote in a to the district that drastic raises are needed because more than 20% of members qualify for low-income housing and roughly one-third leave Los Angeles Unified by their fifth year on the job. 

The union the district can afford pay increases with a $5 billion reserve, but officials budget constraints recently worsened because of enrollment declines, the expiration of pandemic aid and increased operating costs. The district’s projects a $1.6 billion deficit by the 2027-28 school year.

鈥淲e recognize the real financial strain on educators and staff but must make difficult decisions to preserve classrooms, student services and long-term stability within finite resources,鈥� the district said in a Jan. 31 . 鈥淭his moment calls for collaboration between all parties to reach a sustainable resolution.鈥�

The Los Angeles and San Francisco superintendents joined representatives of five other school districts in a Monday that asked advocates, nonprofits and lawmakers to help campaign for more funding from the state. 

鈥淓ducators and staff deserve to feel valued and supported, and districts recognize and respect those realities,鈥� the letter says. 鈥淎t the same time, school systems cannot spend resources they do not receive, nor can local negotiations resolve statewide enrollment trends or the loss of temporary federal funding.鈥�

The strike votes in Los Angeles and San Francisco come amid a by the California Teachers Association, focusing negotiations in 32 districts statewide around : wages, staffing and student stability 鈥� meaning fewer layoffs and school closures. The also aims to pressure the state to improve school funding.

A from the statewide union found that 88% of educators identified insufficient school funding and low pay as serious issues for 2026.

Several California teachers unions already walked out of the classroom this school year or are close to striking. United Teachers of Richmond, located north of San Francisco, staged a in December. Five unions 鈥� Natomas, Twin Rivers, Rocklin, Woodland Joint and Washington 鈥� are at an impasse, along with Madera Unified Teachers Association in central California and Berkeley Federation of Teachers.

More than 90% of San Diego Education Association members recently a one-day unfair labor practice strike for Feb. 26. The union said it鈥檚 protesting as San Diego Unified鈥檚 repeated contract violations regarding special education staffing caseloads.

was originally reported by Nadra Nittle of .听

As a 鈥減ink-collar profession鈥� 鈥� a nickname given to women-dominated occupations 鈥� teaching has historically paid less than comparable fields requiring a higher education degree, and in Philadelphia, the push to close the wage gap could lead to a strike by the end of the month.

Salaries for Philly teachers 鈥� 鈥� begin at $54,146. That鈥檚 . Now, concern over pay has become a sticking point between the Philadelphia Federation of Teachers (PFT) and the School District of Philadelphia as they negotiate a new contract, with the current collective bargaining agreement expiring August 31.

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The its executive board to initiate a strike if the union and the district don鈥檛 agree on a new contract by then. With the deadline imminent and no deal in sight, schools may open on August 25 only for teachers to appear on picket lines within days. A strike could leave working parents in a lurch, scrambling for childcare 鈥� a task moms usually have to complete. Many Philly teachers, however, are also parents and demanding higher salaries to better provide for their families.

PFT President Arthur Steinberg pointed out that even suburban teachers with less education often out-earn Philadelphia鈥檚 top-performing educators by up to $22,000.

鈥淲e would like to close that gap as much as we can with this next contract,鈥� he .

Amid ongoing negotiations, Steinberg appeared with School District of Philadelphia Superintendent Tony Watlington at a welcome event for new teachers on Wednesday.

鈥淲e are optimistic about a successful conclusion by the end-of-the-month deadline, and it’s important to us that all of our employees feel seen, valued and heard,鈥� said Watlington, who called Steinberg a 鈥渢ough negotiator.鈥�

To reach an agreement, Steinberg said, 鈥淭here鈥檚 significant work that has to be done, but it鈥檚 doable.鈥�

Still, union members are prepping for a strike, making protest slogans at the new teacher orientation. A , when teachers walked out for 50 days.

鈥淥ur schools are not safe, they鈥檙e not healthy for anybody to work in or go to school in,鈥� chemistry teacher . 鈥淲e have a hard time with teacher retention and a hard time attracting new talent.鈥�

in 2023 about working in century-old buildings that swelter in early fall heat. Before then, the that the district was not taking robust action to prevent exposing teachers to COVID-19.

The , counselors, school nurses, librarians and other educators. Just , which has garnered nationwide attention since the hit workplace comedy 鈥淎bbott Elementary鈥� 鈥� set in Philly 鈥� debuted in 2021.

In recent years, a number of large urban school districts have gone on strike. They include in March 2023, in September 2022 and in March 2022.

On Friday, the national bus tour of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) will arrive in West Philadelphia to support the PFT ahead of聽a possible strike. The event will be the last of six strike preparation events that have taken place before the teachers head back to work on Monday, a week before the first day of school.

This story was originally published on The 19th.

At the end of the last school year, with the teacher contract expiring, the union released an list of demands, asking for even more staffing and a minimum of 9% annual raises for the next four years.

But over the last few months, the budget reality has started to hit home. The district is considering taking out a high-interest $284 million loan to cover this year鈥檚 operating budget. And next year, the city will face a shortfall of .

The math is not that complicated. Chicago has more employees and is paying them higher salaries than before the pandemic, even as it has lost student enrollment. According to state data, Chicago added 895 general teachers and 1,140 special education teachers from 2018-19 to 2023-24. Across all categories of teachers and administrators, Chicago added the equivalent of 3,448 more full-time staff members, an increase of 17%.

Chicago Has More Teachers and Administrators

Over the same time period, Chicago lost 38,000 students, a drop of 10.5%. With more employees serving fewer students, the district dramatically lowered its staffing ratios. In elementary schools, for example, it its student-to-teacher ratio from 24.5 to 1 in 2018 to 18.5 to 1 in 2023.

Chicago has also not skimped on salaries for those employees. In 2019, an analysis by the National Council on Teacher Quality found that Chicago already its educators more than any district in the country. That didn鈥檛 stop the union from going out on an 11-day strike or eventually winning what then-Mayor Lori Lightfoot called a “” contract that raised the teacher salary schedule by 16% over five years.

But that figure is underselling what actually happened, because individual teachers continued to move up the salary ladder. As an example, consider a new hire who started teaching in Chicago right out of college in 2019-20. That novice would have earned $54,547 the first year. By year five, the salary would have jumped to $67,444, a 24% raise over five years. Of course, pay varies by experience level, but teachers with master鈥檚 degrees earned increases of 20% to 38% over the same period. Inflation also rose a lot over that time, but almost all Chicago teachers did better.

In fact, despite adding a lot more new teachers, who tend to come in on the lower end of the salary schedule, average teacher pay in Chicago rose from $68,153 five years ago to nearly $88,000 last year. That鈥檚 a five-year increase of $19,055, or 28%.

Chicago Is Paying Higher Salaries

Going forward, the district鈥檚 budget office has annual raises of 4% to 5%, and even at that level it already projects a substantial budget deficit. The union is asking for a minimum of 9%, compounded annually for the next four years. That works out to at least a 41% increase, and that鈥檚 before taking into account teachers advancing up the salary ladder. District officials estimate these increases would put Chicago into by the end of the contract.

Chicago’s first-ever school board election next month will go a long way toward determining the fate of these proposals. Will Johnson be able to deliver another 鈥渉istoric鈥� win for the teachers union? And if so, how will he pay for it? 

The 鈥溾�� that have resulted in one-day closures at eight Clark County School District schools over seven instructional days constitute an illegal strike, a district court ruled Wednesday.

District Judge Crystal Eller granted CCSD a preliminary injunction against the Clark County Education Association meant to end the rolling sickouts, which have come amid an impasse on contract negotiations between the fifth largest school district in the country and the union representing its 18,000 licensed educators and professionals.

鈥淭he court finds that a strike has occurred,鈥� said Eller from the bench.

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The judge added that while the evidence of a strike is circumstantial, it is 鈥渁n overwhelming amount that cannot be ignored.鈥� She referenced a map created by Fox5 News showing that the four schools affected on Tuesday were of the Las Vegas Valley.

鈥淔our schools as far apart in the city as you can get. It is more likely an indicator that there is a concerted effort to do exactly what has been threatened,鈥� said Eller, referring to comments made by CCEA leaders earlier this summer that targeted sickouts might occur if contract negotiations were to drag out.

Attorney Bradley Schrager, who is representing CCEA, said the union will immediately appeal to the Nevada Supreme Court.

In brief comments after the hearing, CCEA Executive Director John Vellardita said the union 鈥渞espectfully disagrees鈥� with the decision. He reiterated that the union鈥檚 position remains that they are not responsible for the sickouts.

鈥淲e think that the underlying issue here is what鈥檚 going on in these schools and how these teachers feel they鈥檙e being treated,鈥� he said. 鈥淯nfortunately, the script today in front of the court was 鈥� the story that the union engaged in an illegal strike, and we didn鈥檛 do that.鈥�

He added, 鈥淚 think there鈥檚 going to be some acknowledgement at some point that teachers are very angry in this school district.鈥�

CCSD, in a statement issued after the hearing, praised the issuance of the preliminary injunction: 鈥淭his action protects the children of the Clark County School District so they can receive the education they are entitled to.鈥�

The district in its request for an injunction sought to compel CCEA to direct its members to stop illegally striking and communicate the possible consequences of continuing to illegally strike.

Eller said she would not force such communication as it would be a violation of the First Amendment, but she issued her own directive to teachers.

鈥淵ou guys are out on the frontlines, like the military, like first responders, and there are too many people counting on you, their children counting on you. There are families 鈥� that need to go to work to feed their families and put roofs over their heads 鈥� that are counting on you guys to show up and follow the law and abide by the law and do your job. The way you address your concerns are at the bargaining table. It cannot work like this. That鈥檚 why there鈥檚 a law against this.鈥�

Eller also encouraged the district to negotiate in good faith, saying that 鈥渙bviously there are a lot of people who feel like the district is not coming to the bargaining table with possible good faith.鈥�

鈥榊ou can鈥檛 lead a horse to water鈥�

The injunction sets up the possibility of punishments if the sickouts continue.

CCEA, as the employee labor organization, could face fines of up to $50,000 for each day of continued violation. Individual officers of the union could face fines up to $1,000 per day. Individual employees who participate could be dismissed or suspended by the district.

Hours after the hearing, CCEA sent an email to members stating that it 鈥渉as not encouraged, engaged in or coordinated any concerted sick-outs in the past and will not do so in the future. You are reminded that, under current state law and the collective bargaining agreement, strikes by public school teachers are prohibited and should not be undertaken.鈥�

Schrager in court said the union doesn鈥檛 dispute that teachers are using their sick days but argued the union and the three leaders named in the lawsuit are not part of any concerted effort. He noted that half of the teachers participating in sickouts aren鈥檛 due-paying members of the union.

鈥淎re we saying CCEA is concocting plots among teachers who can鈥檛 even be bothered to join the union?鈥�

CCSD countered that individual teachers鈥� status in regards to dues or union activity is irrelevant since CCEA is the collective bargaining unit for all teachers, and they are all set to benefit from a new contract influenced by an illegal strike.

Among the materials submitted for the hearing was an email the district said it received early Tuesday from someone who identified themselves only as 鈥淐CSD Whistleblower.鈥� The email singled out one Southwest Career and Technical Academy teacher as the leader of the strike efforts at that school.

The whistleblower shared screenshots of emails the SWCTA teacher sent to other teachers encouraging them to call out sick on Sept. 12 and Sept. 15.

The teacher鈥檚 name was redacted by CCSD.

SWCTA was one of four schools that canceled classes on Tuesday.

Another piece of evidence submitted by the district was by longtime CCSD educator Kelly Edgar under the username OneFedUpTeacher. In the video, Edgar says, 鈥淚 have it on good authority that (teachers) are taking matters into their own hands.鈥�

Edgar began that same video by referencing the closure of Gibson Elementary School on Sept. 6 due to unexpected absences and said the call out 鈥渨as not endorsed鈥� or 鈥渟upported鈥� by the teachers union.

CCSD also submitted a photo of what appears to be CCEA members watching a presentation with a slide that says 鈥渞olling school outs.鈥� Judge Eller denied allowing the photo as evidence because the district could not verify where or when the photo was taken or any context around it, though the district indicated it believed it was taken at a members-only meeting in July.

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provides all teachers with a 10% salary increase retroactive to Nov. 1, 2022, plus a one-time payment of $5,000.

This was a strike with unusual features, but they will become increasingly common as teachers unions continue to win generous compensation packages and greater influence over district operations. School systems will be forced to deal with these tactics, not just in California but wherever state law allows them to be employed.

Unfair labor practice strikes

A standard teacher strike over wages and working conditions 鈥� otherwise known as an economic strike 鈥� requires a long administrative process. In California, this means formally declaring an impasse in negotiations, which is followed by analysis and a report by an independent fact-finder.

But there鈥檚 a loophole. If the employer commits an unfair labor practice, such as bargaining in bad faith, the union can legally walk out at any time.

The problem for school districts, and parents who want their kids in school, is that determining whether the union鈥檚 complaint has any merit cannot be made instantaneously. It may take months, or even years, before the state labor board can hear the case and render a ruling.

If there is no unfair labor practice, then the strike is illegal and penalties can be levied. But by then, it鈥檚 too late to matter, and the union has probably already won a settlement that ensures it will come out ahead financially.

So while the strike is ostensibly called to bring an end to specific alleged unfair labor practices by the district, its real purpose is to jump-start contract negotiations and bring about an advantageous settlement.

Union-friendly publications have articles on how to precipitate an unfair labor practice by an employer and so legitimize a strike. Among the suggested methods are to 鈥溾�� or to cite employers for 鈥�.鈥�

Since 2019, school employees unions have conducted two unfair labor practice strikes in Sacramento, two in Los Angeles and now, two in Oakland.

Bargaining for the common good

This term is used to describe union demands for contract provisions that are geared to benefit a wider community than just teachers and school employees. These include restorative justice, ventilation, affordable housing and even climate change. The Oakland union sought contract language regarding housing vouchers and use of vacant district properties for housing students鈥� families, as well as union input on facilities upkeep.听

Asking for such things allows the union to position itself as altruistic, seeking more than just better compensation for its members. It also increases the scope of its influence over district operations. Many of these items may, in fact, be beneficial.

But the union is the legal representative for teachers, not for anyone else. The public at large did not elect the Oakland Education Association to decide what was 鈥済ood鈥� to bargain for. Nor is the union accountable for the consequences that might arise from its demands. The school board is supposed to represent the public and choose between competing desires and needs within an available budget 鈥� which brings us to the most disturbing aspect of the Oakland strike and its settlement.

School board leverage

There has been over the past couple of years about the politicization of school boards. Special-interest groups’ clout in politics is a problem as old as the Republic, but the situation in Oakland went well beyond the usual arguments over who funded whose campaign.

鈥淭he school board, which currently has six members, has been split on the issue of OEA鈥檚 common-good demands,鈥� . 鈥淭hree members, Jennifer Brouhard, VanCedric Williams and Valarie Bachelor, have joined the union in urging the district鈥檚 bargaining team to discuss the common good demands with OEA, while other directors have said the demands should be left to the school board to discuss and implement, or left to OUSD to partner with other organizations on.鈥�

It鈥檚 true that all three of the named board members received union campaign contributions, but that鈥檚 just a standard public policy issue. These three have unique relationships with teachers unions.

Bachelor is employed as a .

Brouhard is the and sat on its executive board at least through the 2021 school year.

Williams was in October, after serving as treasurer of United Educators San Francisco and a member of the National Education Association board of directors.

The union went on an unfair labor practice strike despite having three teacher union activists on the school board. It claimed to be bargaining for the common good even though the common people were woefully underrepresented in negotiations. Lakisha Young, founder of the parent advocacy group The Oakland REACH, that her organization 鈥渉as organized and mobilized hundreds of district parents and none of us have been a part of the process.鈥�

She added, 鈥淥EA is replaying tactics Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD) parents and students just experienced: say on repeat that the district is bargaining in 鈥榖ad faith,鈥� avoid fact-finding, mediation, impasse and then strike!鈥�

On April 13, the district made what it called a 鈥渉istoric offer鈥� of 19% in pay hikes over three years. The union promptly but five days later accepted what it called a 鈥溾�� agreement with increases of 21%.

By January 2025, it will bring the average Los Angeles teacher salary to an estimated .

The post-deal reactions from the district and the union were a contrast in styles.

鈥淧roud of what we can do with our labor partners when we negotiate in good faith and come to an agreement that serves our hardworking employees as well as our students and families,鈥� Los Angeles Unified School District Superintendent Alberto Carvalho.

鈥淲hile Carvalho and the district spent the past year ignoring and undermining educators, students and parents, UTLA members fought for a fair contract that meets the urgent needs of today and builds a strong foundation for public schools,鈥� .

Carvalho is sanguine about the district鈥檚 ability to bankroll these deals. 鈥淭he state has provided two back-to-back, very solid budget years with a cost-of-living adjustment that allowed us to compose these offers,鈥� . Nevertheless, he made a trip to Sacramento earlier this month to lobby for more school funding.

It has been widely reported that the district has $5 billion in reserves, which, for a total budget of $14.2 billion, is excessive. Less widely reported is that half of the reserve . The district has yet to release data on the total cost of the new contracts.

Los Angeles also has 35,000 fewer students than it did two years ago, and the district forecasts . Since state funding is based on enrollment, that is going to make it difficult to sustain the district鈥檚 spending levels.

Carvalho may think he bought himself at least a year of labor peace, as the support employees’ contract expires in June 2024 and the teachers’ contract in June 2025. But the unions don鈥檛 seem eager to beat their swords into plowshares.

鈥淲e still have a long way to go,鈥� . 鈥淭his is the foundation.鈥�

鈥淲e have maximum power right now, and it’s going to keep evolving from this point on even further,鈥� said teachers union Secretary Arlene Inouye.

So did Carvalho get 鈥渟chooled鈥� by the unions, , or 鈥� to further the metaphor 鈥� is he planning to 鈥済raduate鈥�?

Carvalho is flashy and at ease in front of the camera. He has often been , and if he has any aspirations in California, he must at least hold the public employees unions at bay. It wouldn鈥檛 surprise me at all if Carvalho is somewhere else when the district鈥檚 bills come due.

The implications for Los Angeles are only part of the picture, since other teachers unions may now see the last few months as a model to follow.

is currently holding a strike vote, which would be an 鈥渦nfair labor practices鈥� walkout similar to the one that shuttered Los Angeles schools for three days last month. The state labor board has still yet to determine whether that strike was legal, and a faction with the Oakland union is planning a wildcat strike if the authorization vote fails.

Intentionally or not, Carvalho and the Los Angeles school board have reset the market for public school employees. But if the enrollment figures are any indication, parents will continue to take their business elsewhere.

Mike Antonucci鈥檚 Union Report appears most Wednesdays; see the full archive.

While there is no speculation how long the labor action could last in the state’s largest district, strikes over the last year have ranged from a couple of days in Columbus, Ohio, to three weeks in Minneapolis.

At issue in contract negotiations is higher pay for teachers, aides and other school workers, support for multilingual learners and to protect special education staffing levels as the district implements a long-sought plan to allow students with disabilities to spend more time in general education classrooms.听

Like districts throughout the country, the Seattle school system has lost students since the pandemic began, that lower enrollment 鈥� which translates to fewer state tuition dollars 鈥� will create budget problems going forward.      

Coming out of the holiday weekend, the across-the-board pay increases to the union鈥檚 6,000 members, financial incentives to educators who have or are willing to earn credentials qualifying them to work with English learners, and an increase in the number of school social workers and nurses. 

At the same time, after , educators and district leaders in the Seattle suburb of Kent announced a tentative agreement, ending a delay to the start of the school year for 25,000 students.

The Seattle strike marks a fourth disrupted academic year for students in Washington, where tensions between district and union leaders over reopening schools in the wake of the nation鈥檚 earliest COVID shutdowns kept many students in remote learning until the final weeks of the 2020-21 year. 

According to a maintained by Burbio, Washington state schools had the fourth-lowest rate of in-person learning in the 2020-21 academic year, with more than three-fourths of students in distance learning. Maryland, Oregon and California were the only states less likely to welcome students back in classrooms in person. 

As a result, Gov. Jay Inslee issued an executive order in March 2021 requiring districts to offer in-person classes for at least a third of the school weeks. Seattle was among 35 Washington districts that did not receive some federal pandemic aid from the state because of an inadequate reopening plan. 

A May 2021 analysis by the Seattle Times found that across the state, compliance with the governor鈥檚 order varied widely, with some districts providing much more in-person instruction than others. High school students in Seattle Public Schools generally attended classes in person two days a week but for less than three hours each day. 

Last year, like districts throughout the country, Seattle schools planned for in-person learning but was disrupted by bus driver shortages, Omicron variant surges and other problems.

The start of the strike to make alternate arrangements for their children. The district announced that students could pick up free lunches at several school sites and said it was reaching out to community organizations for child care support.

Because the district鈥檚 nearly 28,000 students have been out of class for 15 days, the school day will be extended by 42 minutes starting April 11, right after spring break, and two weeks will be added to the school year to make up for missed instructional time mandated by state law. 

鈥淭his is a historic day,鈥� union President Greta Callahan said Friday outside district headquarters. 鈥淲e know that we have historic wins.鈥�

Hours earlier, Superintendent Ed Graff and school board Chair Kim Ellison spoke at a news conference. 鈥淭he days have run together into months and weekends,鈥� Graff said. 鈥淚 am just grateful we are able to get back together in the end.鈥�

While the union鈥檚 teacher and educational support professionals are covered by separate contracts, the two chapters walked out together March 8. Chief among their joint demands was a pay increase for most paraprofessionals to a minimum of $35,000 a year, as well as a 20% hike in teacher pay in the contract鈥檚 first year and 5% in the second. 

But after district administrators balked at using finite stimulus funds to boost the permanent pay scale, union leaders asked for bonuses instead. Each teacher will receive $4,000 in April, a 2% raise in the contract鈥檚 first year and 3% in its second. 

Members of the union鈥檚 Educational Support Professionals chapter will receive raises, plus $6,000 in bonuses spread over two years, with an additional $1,000 for those with 10 or more years on the job. Because of temporary increases in hours available until the end of the two-year contract in 2023, a 鈥渟ignificant number鈥� will be able to reach $35,000 a year, union leaders say. 

Shaun Laden, president of the support professionals union, said the increased hours and bonuses would allow the district to tap the stimulus funds. District leaders have not yet said how much the settlement will cost or whether they will use recovery money to pay for it.      

District leaders project a $21.5 million shortfall for the 2022-23 fiscal year 鈥� a gap that would be much larger had they not earmarked half of the $260 million in federal pandemic recovery aid to avoid laying off teachers and closing school buildings after years of precipitous enrollment declines.

Researchers and school finance experts have warned that using one-time infusions of federal funds in this way will create a steep 鈥渇iscal cliff鈥� in 2024, when the money runs out. In the days before the settlement, Ellison warned that increasing pay for paraprofessionals would necessitate $10 million in cuts elsewhere. 

In neighboring St. Paul Public Schools, which is facing similar tensions over enrollment losses, board members recently voted to close and consolidate a number of schools and have budgeted the lion鈥檚 share of their stimulus funds for addressing student learning. 

District leaders declined to answer questions before the union vote on the contract, which took place over the weekend, but posted to their website. They have not yet said whether the one-time spending outlined in the contract will come from the remaining stimulus funding and how much will now be diverted from other uses. 

According to the , in the 2020-21 school year, the district employed some 2,155 teachers and almost 1,000 instructional aides. Leaders of the union say they have 4,500 members. 

Tensions roiled the community during the strike. For months, the district and unions traded proposals to protect teachers of color from ongoing, disproportionate vulnerability to layoffs and changes in assignments. The two sides had differed on how broad to make any exception to 鈥渓ast in, first out鈥� seniority rules. 

Because of a deadline in state law, the week before the strike began, the district announced that some 50 teachers of color were among those who had been excessed 鈥� lost their current postings 鈥� because of possible layoffs for the 2022-23 school year. The following day, Southwest Voices, the union withdrew its layoff-protection proposal. 

In the days leading up to the settlement announcement, a number of teachers of color and the local chapter of the NAACP , and the union鈥檚 offer regarding the protections was reintroduced. 

The provision approved along with the new contract protects teachers from 鈥渦nderrepresented populations鈥� but does not apply to as many as 50 teachers just excessed for the 2022-23 academic year. Callahan called the new protections 鈥渘ation-leading.鈥�

While community support for the strikers ran high, many families expressed concern that students had very little in-person instruction between March 2020 and the start of the current academic year and again lost classroom time in January, when the Omicron variant surged. 

The Minneapolis teachers strike entered its second week with some apparent movement by the school district on union demands but no discernible end in sight. In time, a settlement will be reached. While teachers will likely receive much of what they want, the repercussions will be felt for years to come.

The union will get class size caps, at least at schools with the highest needs, and substantially higher pay for support employees, though not nearly at the levels desired by the union.

The biggest chasm is between what the union wants for teacher salaries and what the district is willing to pay. According to the district, the Minneapolis Federation of Teachers鈥� proposal would raise salaries by 21 percent over two years, while the district is offering a 7.4 percent increase over the same period.

鈥淢inneapolis Federation of Teachers (MFT) today presented counter proposals to Minneapolis Public Schools (MPS) that school leaders and board members predict will steer the district toward long-term financial crisis,鈥� . 鈥淢PS faces a $59.5 million budget shortfall for fiscal year 2022-23. Due to one-time COVID-19 federal funding (ESSER), MPS is able to reduce the budget deficit to $21.5 million, which ultimately prolongs the deficit. Union proposals will worsen it.鈥�

that it wants average teacher pay to be on par with that of St. Paul Public Schools, which avoided its own strike with a last-minute settlement. The average Minneapolis teacher made $71,535 last year, and the average St. Paul teacher earned $85,457.

It鈥檚 understandable that the union wants to match its neighbor鈥檚 pay, but the district has its own messaging, which is that it鈥檚 tapped out. Its remedy for the budget shortfall should open the eyes of all Minnesotans.

Even if the union accepts the district鈥檚 offer, “we will have to make other drastic cuts unless the state provides additional funding in the next two years,” .

The union would probably welcome a state bailout as well, but it wants its demands met regardless of what the budgeters say.

“We can no longer have this middleman of HR and lawyers and data scientists in the way of making the decision,” . “We’re really hopeful that today we’re going to see more intervention from the real decisionmakers, from elected leaders and the superintendent.”

Callahan sees the dispute as something larger than working conditions. “Our fight is against patriarchy, our fight is against capitalism, our fight is for the soul of our city,” .

However the strike is ultimately settled, it will have little to no effect on the school year. State law requires at least 165 days of instruction. Teachers are not risking lost wages while on the picket line. Strike days will be made up, and since teachers will presumably receive a raise in any settlement, they will receive more pay for those days than they would have had they not walked out.

Everyone will be relieved when teachers and support employees return to work, but problems will linger. School districts that make long-term commitments with short-term money inevitably find themselves in a budget hole. In an enterprise as labor-intensive as education, the ensuing cuts will fall most heavily on personnel. Oakland, California, endured and has responded ever since with .

Union seniority rules ensure that the most recently hired are the first to be let go. This means that all the effort and expense to recruit teachers, particularly those of color, is wasted as they quickly become ex-teachers. Such a jolt can happen in any profession, but how will those discarded educators respond when the district and the union next sound the staff shortage alarm? Once bitten, twice shy.

Also, things will not improve if the district continues to hire staff without being realistic about enrollment. Adding employees while losing students has been . The COVID pandemic exacerbated enrollment loss across the country. Districts can keep that up until they have one teacher, one bus driver and one cafeteria worker for every individual student, but they鈥檒l have to make payroll with scrip, because they鈥檒l be out of cash.

People reflect on these types of problems when strikes end, but their concerns are soon displaced by other issues. They forget that the problems of tomorrow are a consequence of today鈥檚 concessions. Minneapolis will eventually fade from the headlines, but its lessons won鈥檛 be learned. .

Watch a full replay from the hearing:聽

Lightfoot compared the situation to the movie 鈥淕roundhog Day,鈥� insisting 鈥渢here is no basis in the data, the science, or common sense for us to shut an entire system down when we can surgically do this at a school level.鈥�

Martinez emphasized the district鈥檚 empowerment of school principals: 鈥淭here is no evidence [that schools aren鈥檛 safe]. Now, what is real is cases are rising and we have said, the best solution is to do it at the school level. Our principles are empowered, our teachers are empowered, they have safety committees, we have invested in the filtration systems鈥︹��

CTU spokesman Chris Geovanis said that while some schools implement all COVID mitigation strategies, not all do.

Geovanis said the union doesn鈥檛 hold Martinez responsible for the lack of agreement and instead faults Lightfoot, who has control over the school district. 鈥淚t says nothing about Pedro. He鈥檚 not the boss,鈥� 鈥嬧�婫eovanis said, accusing the mayor of wanting to appease parents in wealthier parts of the city, saying she鈥檚 siding with 鈥渢he business class who relies on CPS for free child care.鈥�

Shortly after the press conference CTU voted to halt in-person instruction, and classes were immediately canceled on Wednesday as a result. Read Linda Jacobson鈥檚 full report on the reactions to the Tuesday evening vote.