Roxanne Martinez moved back to her neighborhood in Fort Worth so her kids could attend the same schools she did.

The mother of two was on the booster club. And on a walk one day with students to a polling location — she’s always encouraged civic involvement — one asked her why she hadn’t run for school board. That question sparked a campaign, and she was elected in 2021.

But the board seat Martinez won in the Fort Worth Independent School District may not come with any power for very much longer. Texas education officials announced in October that they would take control of the district and replace locally elected board members with a board hand-picked by the state, a move triggered by the academic failures at a school that has since closed.

“I take parent calls almost every night, almost every day, and so to lose that local voice, removing the voice of my constituents, of our voters, is just deeply concerning to me,” she said.

State takeovers are having a moment. For decades, state officials have taken over school districts, citing academic and financial calamity. In some cases, the calamity was real: School districts were bankrupt. Very small fractions of students read at grade level. But while those reasons are still the most commonly cited, officials’ rhetoric to justify the tactic has become more overtly political as the country’s political divides have deepened, according to those who study the phenomenon.

In Texas, the state has seized control over seven school districts since 2023, four of those announced in the past six months. Nationwide, Chalkbeat tracked at least 21 new school district takeovers in the past three years, with additional takeovers threatened. These come after what some experts said was a lull in the practice. This year already, Texas’ schools chief , while Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis took a swipe at unions while .

“At this point, states don’t really care about having to justify this action,” said Domingo Morel, a professor at New York University. “Back in the 1980s, 1990s, early 2000s, states really went out of their way to make it look like they really wanted to come in to improve the district.”

Conservative governors and education commissioners have said they’re taking a hard line on academics, targeting entire districts over a few schools, or progress they say is not fast enough.

Some argue that outside intervention is the only way to break up entrenched political interests that stagnate learning. Researchers also say the revival of takeovers in some states may reflect alarm over flagging academic achievement and financial distress in COVID’s wake.

“People are really concerned, especially post-pandemic, about student achievement,” said Josh Bleiberg, an education professor at the University of Pittsburgh. “I do think there’s an emergency mindset aspect of here like, ‘well, we’ve got to do something.’”

There are examples of takeovers that , but they are the minority, according to research. More often, research shows the loss of control disproportionately affects communities of color in exchange for meager and short-term gains in academic achievement.

Some welcome change in the Fort Worth district, where . For others, like Martinez, the takeover is a flex of Republican political power over a district in , and in a school district that primarily serves Hispanic and Black students. To them, the entity that will come out ahead could be the state’s new private school choice program, not public schools.

And for a third set — people like Ale Checka, a longtime teacher in Fort Worth — two things can be true.

Yes, Fort Worth’s schools deserved to be taken over, Checka said. But that doesn’t mean she likes it: “God, I wish we could get taken over by literally anybody else.”

State takeovers gaining momentum in Republican-led states

States run by Democrats have , in several instances for financial reasons. But Republican-led states are leading the charge on recent takeovers, although the strategy looks different from state to state.

In Tennessee, Republican lawmakers want to install a state-appointed oversight board in Memphis-Shelby County Schools, the largest school district in the state, .

Tennessee Republicans argue a state-appointed oversight board could better turn around lagging academic achievement than the current school board. Opponents of the GOP plan say Memphis schools are not only improving, they’re

has taken over two school districts in the past year, after a lull since 2021. The state has had broader authority since 2024, when lawmakers removed a requirement for the governor to first declare a state of emergency in a school district to initiate a takeover.

GOP leaders in and are pushing takeovers for more state control over local districts.

Not all recent state interventions in local school districts amount to a direct takeover. Indiana GOP lawmakers have , but the board’s members would be picked by the mayor, who’s currently a Democrat.

But the state that’s arguably become the clearest blueprint for the current crop of takeovers is Texas.

In Texas, just one school in a district can trigger state intervention for that district. In Houston, the trigger was Wheatley High School where more than 90% of Wheatley’s students are Latino or Black and many are from low-income backgrounds.

Wheatley was deemed unacceptable in the state’s rating system for seven straight school years, which state schools chief Mike Morath , along with languishing achievement in other Houston schools, which educate about 180,000 students and constitute the state’s largest district.

In 2023, Morath was necessary in part because the district had allowed chronic low achievement in multiple schools for far too long.

“Parents, teachers have high expectations for kids,” Morath said at the time. “It’s important for me to maintain high expectations for school boards. So this is ultimately about an intervention action for the school board.” (The Texas Education Agency did not respond to requests for an interview with Morath for this story.)

State officials put Mike Miles — a longtime lightning rod in education — in charge of Houston as superintendent and replaced the elected board with an appointed one. Miles, the former Dallas superintendent who also founded a charter school network, made school hours longer, , , and .

The results have been a mixed bag. Houston now has fewer struggling schools, under Texas’ school rating system. But the number of students enrolled . And the share of teachers remaining on their campuses between school years fell from 70% before the takeover to 58.6% from the 2023-2024 and 2024-2025 school years, according to .

Still, Houston has produced enticing results. “People from all over the country, including Alaska, are calling us to ask how we’re doing this,” Miles told ����Ӱ�� last year, touting the district’s academic gains. “Boldness is what’s called for, and people are starting to have some hope that big turnarounds can be done.”

Republicans in Tennessee of Memphis’ district, critical of flagging academics and school board dysfunction.

Parents and teachers in Fort Worth, a district of roughly 70,000 students and the 10th-largest in the state, have eyed the changes in Houston closely.

, according to the Fort Worth Report. Two middle schools , just shy of the state intervention threshold.

Trenace Dorsey-Hollins is a Fort Worth mother of two and founder of Parent Shield, a grassroots group pushing the message that Fort Worth’s kids deserve a high-quality education.

Despite the political undertones of the takeover in Houston, the new management is “changing the trajectory for a lot of kids” there, she said, and Fort Worth is in need of some “true momentum.”

The truth is, many schools across Texas are failing, and they’ve been failing kids for a long time, she said.

Checka acknowledged that Fort Worth is in a literacy crisis that warrants outside intervention, she said. But she’s watched Houston eliminate school librarian positions with horror.

“The moves that the state is making are not moves that are for literacy,” Checka said. While Houston has improved reading scores, educators have been critical of.

Martinez, the board member, notes that the district already adopted higher-quality instructional materials and added teacher training. Just this month, .

“If the state had some magic bullet that was going to just come in and significantly improve schools, one: why haven’t they already shared it?” she asked. “Two: why are they not partnering with us?”

Political rhetoric around school district takeovers has changed

As students walked out earlier this year to protest federal immigration policy, Texas Education Agency officials warned that .

Republican Gov. Greg Abbott called for investigations into multiple districts, implying that protests were taking kids away from academics.

Texas hasn’t initiated any takeovers since Abbott’s comments. But the state did place the Austin district under investigation. Austin was , and several middle schools are one failing grade away from triggering intervention.

Morel, who studies state takeovers, said he believed the country would witness a decline in the practice nearly a decade ago.

Yet Houston marked an “outright political power play on the part of the state,” given that the state used a single school’s shortcomings as the reason for intervention, even when the district itself was not failing in the state’s rating system.

“You can anticipate that if this type of trajectory continues, that it’s really not about improving schools, that it’s about undermining the political power of these communities,” he said.

There’s inherent political friction in a takeover, said Johnny Key, a former Republican Arkansas schools chief who oversaw the state intervention in the Little Rock School District from 2015 to 2021. Key acknowledges the takeover wasn’t a “smashing success” but said it stabilized leadership and helped the district plan for the end of desegregation aid, a major funding source.

Key said any takeover is inherently political, because the state is claiming responsibility for something typically controlled locally. But that doesn’t mean takeovers aren’t necessary, or that state officials are simply dismissing communities.

“To paint state takeover with any type of broad brush ignores the nuance and the differences in the communities that are affected,” he said.

But ultimately state takeovers must be sensitive to politics and get support from key groups, including teachers, to ensure changes can endure, said Ashley Jochim, a political scientist with the Center on Reinventing Public Education.

“You go in and do a bunch of stuff that’s super controversial, even if it benefits kids, if it doesn’t have political support, it’s not going to be sustained over time,” she said.

Recent controversy over Texas education policy isn’t confined to state takeovers. In conversations about the pending Fort Worth takeover, Martinez and others raised Texas’ .

There’s no evidence to suggest Texas is somehow using state intervention as a way to promote vouchers. But critics like Martinez are skeptical of a government touting a , while also claiming it’s trying to raise achievement for already-stretched public schools.

“The reasoning behind the strong interventions has less to do about student outcomes and more about shifting of power,” Martinez said.

For Checka, the state’s motivation for taking over Fort Worth Schools matters. The idea that students will learn more every day is what gets her up in the morning. She wishes she felt confident Texas officials had the same motivations.

“The things that are important to me are my students being able to read and write … my students being able to access opportunities after high school and go to college,” she said. “It is just not important to them.”

Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools. This story was originally published by Chalkbeat. Sign up for their newsletters at .

The Texas Education Agency is taking over the Fort Worth Independent School District — a district with more than 70,000 students — because a campus with just over 300 sixth graders repeatedly failed to meet state academic standards.

While Leadership Academy at Forest Oak Sixth Grade ultimately set off the state’s ability to intervene, the threat of a state takeover has been looming over the district for nearly two decades — with the first dating back to 2008. The district has a history of struggling to bring students’ grades up across the city, especially at campuses in low-income neighborhoods with large Black and brown populations.

TEA Commissioner Mike Morath his decision to remove all decision-making power from elected Fort Worth ISD school board members. Soon, the state will replace them with a board of managers and a superintendent handpicked by Morath. The new set of appointed leaders will wield substantial power. They will preside over one of North Texas’ biggest school districts — around — and their responsibilities will range from deciding how to spend the district’s $1 billion budget to hiring the directors who will lead day-to-day operations such as bus transportation and campus maintenance.

The district has been on the upswing academically in the last two years. But TEA, under state law, can take over a school district when a school receives a failing grade on the state agency’s A-F accountability rating system for five consecutive years, and Leadership Academy at Forest Oak Sixth Grade received its The ratings, which were , had been held back because several school districts to block their release.

But long before the sixth-grade campus reached the threshold for a takeover, conversations of state intervention in Fort Worth had swirled around the community.

In 2008, Meadowbrook Middle School, a campus composed of around 60% Hispanic students and 35% Black students, had missed federal academic standards for years, which nearly led to a state takeover under the now-defunct No Child Left Behind Act.

In the years that followed, the district averted two other threats of an intervention. John T. White and Maude Logan elementaries endured a streak of failing grades and nearly met the takeover threshold before seeing improved scores.

Leadership Academy at Forest Oak Sixth Grade, which the district , was located in Glencrest, a with a median household income the national average. The campus, which drew in refugee and immigrant newcomers, struggled with academic performance for years.

“There has to be ownership for that,” Fort Worth ISD Superintendent Karen Molinar said in a recent interview with The Texas Tribune. “It’s not about a physical building or a statute. The kids were on a campus that was continuously underperforming, and we allowed it for multiple years.”

The campus was one of the Fort Worth district’s lowest-performing, though the struggle to lift students up to state standards has affected the entire district. In 2023, 44% of Fort Worth ISD students could read on grade level. That year, all grade levels with the exception of sixth grade .

But the district has begun to see improvements: Test scores in all of Fort Worth ISD last year. This year, the number of F-rated campuses plummeted from 31 to 11. And the roughly 135 schools overall have earned a C rating the last two years. The education agency considers that an “acceptable performance,” meaning the district serves many students well but needs to provide additional support to others.

Trenace Dorsey-Hollins, founder of parent activist group Parent Shield Fort Worth, said some of the credit for the improvements belongs to Molinar, the superintendent, who started her role in an interim capacity late last year and was officially appointed .

“This is her first year being able to make some changes to the district, and I do feel like she’s doing a pretty good job,” Dorsey-Hollins said.

After Molinar came on board, Ken Kuhl, a parent on the Fort Worth Council of PTAs, said the district has .

The district has sought to introduce more alignment across the district, from creating an infrastructure for educators to gameplan lessons together and attain feedback on their teaching methods, to rolling out what the education agency considers high-quality instructional materials aligned with state standards, to overhauling seven under-resourced campuses with a goal of attracting more effective instructors.

But none of those efforts stopped a takeover.

With a district as large as Fort Worth’s, disparities between schools’ performance run deep. Kuhl wonders if the district previously celebrated success at high-performing campuses “at the expense of” their academically struggling peers. The Fort Worth community, Kuhl said, would have liked to see the district address its shortcomings sooner.

Molinar said the state takeover was preventable, and the superintendent pointed blame at the district for the current situation.

“I can be upset and say it’s not fair and be upset with the commissioner,” she said. “But I’m more upset that we have not been more aggressive for my students.”

Many advocates and families believe the Texas Legislature’s decisions on have played an outsized role in districts’ academic struggles. Hundreds of districts are operating at a budget deficit, meaning they are increasing class sizes, cutting instructional staff and shutting down programs that help drive positive student outcomes. The Fort Worth district had a earlier this year.

The Legislature for six years did not add to schools’ base level funding, a critical pot of money that provides districts with flexibility to pay rising operational expenses and boost the salaries of teachers, which . During this year’s lawmaking session, the state approved nearly , though many district leaders have that the increase falls billions short of catching them up with inflation and that it lacks the spending flexibility they need to tackle all of their campuses’ needs.

Meanwhile, Texas’ education agency has been flexing its power to take over schools in recent years, notably in the Houston, La Joya and South San Antonio districts. Fort Worth’s intervention marks the 11th since 2000 and will be the second largest, following the 2023 takeover in Houston. Four other districts — Lake Worth, Beaumont, Connally and Wichita — are .

Academic takeovers are largely driven by results on the State of Texas Assessments of Academic Readiness, which lawmakers, educators and families have long criticized. They say the test consumes meaningful instructional time, places too much pressure on students and does not adequately measure how much children are learning. The Legislature earlier this year that will phase out the exam by the 2027-28 academic year and replace it with three shorter tests.

If a campus does not meet state academic standards for five consecutive years, the state can order the closure of the school or appoint a board of managers to run the district. Fort Worth ISD opted to close Leadership Academy at Forest Oak Sixth Grade, but Morath said to the school board that the campus had already reached the threshold for intervention and that the closure “did not address the district’s underlying systemic deficiencies that caused the chronic underperformance.”

The state agency’s ability to take over any district because of one struggling campus has been a point of controversy in Texas that has only grown more intense since the state intervened in Houston.

Morath and state-appointed Superintendent Mike Miles say that takeover was warranted, and they tout improved test scores in the two years since it started. No Houston ISD campuses received an F on the state’s accountability ratings in the 2024-25 school year, a drastic improvement from the the district had in 2022-23.

But the intervention has also run into strong criticism. Teacher departures have . Thousands of students have . And improved test scores have that the district has accomplished that feat, in part, because of a hyperfocus on testing and moving students into less rigorous math and science classes.

The direction of Fort Worth’s intervention will also depend heavily on the superintendent Morath chooses to lead it. It’s unclear exactly when he will make the decision, though the commissioner has noted that he will consider Molinar for the job.

Dorsey-Hollins said she’s hopeful for the intervention. The parent of two students in the district called on Morath to appoint people who are “open to hearing from the community and actually showing that growth is being made, letting that be the North Star for the takeover and for this change.”

“I feel like this is a possibility of a fresh start for our district,” she said. “Knowing that we’re going to have an appointed board that is hyper-focused on student achievement, this could change the trajectory for our city and for our kids.”

This first appeared on .

The Texas Education Agency will remove the Fort Worth Independent School District’s elected board members and may appoint a new superintendent to oversee its operations, Commissioner Mike Morath announced Thursday morning.

The decision to assume control of the North Texas district follows months of speculation about how the state would respond to one of the Fort Worth campuses not meeting Texas’ academic accountability standards for five consecutive years. The district closed the sixth-grade campus at the end of the 2023-24 school year, but Morath in the spring that state law still required him to intervene. 

Dallas’ local news station first reported news about the takeover Wednesday evening. 

In a statement Wednesday night, the district said it was aware of media reports about state action but would wait for an official announcement before sharing information with families.

“Our focus remains on our students by providing uninterrupted learning,” the statement read. “We are grateful to our educators and staff for their continuous commitment to our students and families.”

State takeovers of districts can only be initiated if one of its schools receives a failing grade from the TEA for five consecutive years, and allows the replacement of elected school board members with state appointees. The state can also direct districts to shut down the failing schools rather than replace the school boards with a board of managers.

While Fort Worth ISD shut down Leadership Academy at Forest Oak Sixth Grade before the TEA gave it its fifth F rating, Morath said in a March letter that it would not halt potential state action.

Fort Worth ISD was among school districts at risk of a state takeover, a record number in Texas. Beaumont, Connally, Lake Worth and Wichita Falls independent school districts have all amassed five consecutive failing grades at one or more of its campuses. Morath visited Lake Worth ISD on , where Marilyn Miller Language Academy received five consecutive F ratings.

A state takeover of the North Texas district would be the second largest in the state, and Morath three of its schools in August as the TEA considered a takeover. 

With the state taking control of Fort Worth ISD, there have been 11 state takeovers of districts in Texas since 2000, including Houston Independent School District, which is the state’s largest. That takeover began in 2023 and was to 2027 in June. 

This first appeared on .

But the staff, hoping to avoid debates over families’ religious beliefs, has chopped roughly 30 sections out of the curriculum, including a kindergarten lesson on the Golden Rule featuring Jesus’ Sermon on the Mount and several excerpts about a Christian prayer the governor of Plymouth Colony said at the first Thanksgiving.  

The district’s elementary teachers “went through the materials looking for things that may be controversial,” said Superintendent Joe Craig. They didn’t feel those parts of the curriculum “were in line with what we wanted the lesson to focus on.” 

Fairfield’s process reflects the kind of that many districts have taken toward — the state-developed materials that prominently feature the Bible and Christianity. With feedback from 300 teachers, Fort Worth, the fifth largest district in the state, adopted the phonics portion of the curriculum, but turned down the units with religious material. Some districts ordered just a few books, likely for , while the Houston and Dallas districts opted to keep what they currently use.

Texas has spent roughly $100 million — and counting — to develop and promote its own reading curriculum. But some observers say they wouldn’t be surprised if districts aren’t rushing to pick it up, considering the State Board of Education approved it by a one-vote margin. 

“They may be reluctant to bring that same controversy into their districts, especially in communities with families of diverse religious backgrounds,” said Eve Myers, a consultant with Strive Public Policy Resources, a political consulting and lobbying firm that is tracking adoption of the program. “It’s potentially a distraction from their focus on the budget, student achievement, school safety and all the other pressing issues they must address.”

Texas has over 1,200 districts and about 600 charter schools with elementary grades. Of the state’s 20 largest districts, only Conroe, north of Houston, intends to use the program this fall. A shows that between May and late July, 144 districts and charters, mostly mid-sized or small, ordered the materials. 

State board members have asked for the total number of districts using Bluebonnet. “That’s the question we would all like to know,” said Pam Little, a board member who voted against the reading program last November.  

Other districts could be using the online version of the materials, but whether students would have actual books, and spend less time on screens, was a major debate last year during the board’s consideration of the program.

State leaders and conservative advocates say the religious content reflects a classical and appropriate way to teach literacy skills along with history and culture. Others like the emphasis on cursive writing and challenging vocabulary. In an interview with ����Ӱ�� last year, State Commissioner of Education Mike Morath said a phonics-based curriculum that also builds students’ background knowledge can help the state recover from in reading skills due to the pandemic.

But the program sparked a statewide debate over whether political leaders are forcing Christianity into public schools. Bluebonnet makes its debut in the classroom at the same time schools will be required, under a new state law, to display the 10 Commandments. Gov. Greg Abbott also signed in June that allows districts to offer a daily, voluntary period of time to pray and read the Bible or other religious texts. Under a similar 2023 law, districts can hire chaplains to volunteer as counselors, but aren’t participating.  

“There is definitely a disconnect between the radical far right agenda … and what school boards who are accountable to local families and students are actually going to do,” said Guthrie Graves-Fitzsimmons, senior director of policy and advocacy at the Interfaith Alliance, a national group that advocates for church-state separation. Texas, he said, is “taking away the rights of clergy and parents to lead religious instruction.”

‘Hard on the teacher’

In the 73,000-student Conroe school district, Dayren Carlisle, a curriculum director, said leaders picked Bluebonnet because teachers were previously working with a patchwork of materials. They often spent “arduous hours preparing for reading and writing instruction,” she told ����Ӱ�� in an email. Bluebonnet provides a coherent set of lessons that meet state standards, she said.

But parent Christine Yates advocated against it. 

“I don’t think religious-based instruction belongs in any type of public school setting,” said Yates, whose children will be in second and fourth grade this fall. Her family doesn’t attend church and she’s concerned that the lessons dealing with faith are just “borrowing trouble.” 

Becky Sherrill, a former Conroe teacher, sympathizes with educators who will have to navigate parent’s requests to opt their children out of the lessons. It’s a right that many parents might be more likely to exercise this fall because of a June U.S. Supreme Court opinion in favor of religious families who want their children exempted from hearing stories with LGBTQ themes.

“It’s hard on the teacher. It’s already so hard at Christmas or even with birthdays,” Sherrill said, referring to Jehovah’s Witnesses she has had as students. “You can’t give some kids cupcakes because they don’t celebrate birthdays.”

She’s already homeschooling her middle school son and has pulled her daughter, a fifth grader, out of the district as well, largely because of Bluebonnet and the 10 Commandments law. 

At a May board meeting, Carlisle explained to the board how teachers will field requests from parents who want to opt their children out of the lessons. 

“If a parent were to complain about this… we would have to find a completely different text,” she said. 

But that didn’t sit well with Tiffany Baumann Nelson, one of three , who call themselves Mama Bears, elected in 2022.

“There is no religion in this curriculum,” she argued. “They’re all historical references, and so in my opinion, there should be no alternative or modifications.”

Whether districts are removing biblical material or parents are opting their children out of the lessons, Little, the state board member, worries students could miss literacy skills they are supposed to learn. 

“Say an East Asian religious parent has decided they don’t want their child to have [a Bible story]. Is that child going to miss skill development?” she asked. Accommodating parents’ requests will also be a burden on district staff. “What is the cost involved in the manpower time for these districts to go through and eliminate the religious content? There was no need for the controversy that the religious content is going to start.” 

‘Reviewed it and loved it’

The state board narrowly approved the new program last fall after the Texas Education Agency spent roughly $84 million to adapt an existing reading curriculum, from the company Amplify. Renamed Bluebonnet, after the state flower, the Texas version includes highlights of Jesus’ ministry and offers an evangelical view of early American history. Lessons for example, include the , an art history unit based on the creation story from Genesis and scriptural references to the motto on the . 

The agency, which would not provide a list of all districts that have ordered the program, paid multiple companies and content experts to craft and review the lessons, including the far-right Texas Public Policy Foundation. Hillsdale College, a Christian school in Michigan, volunteered to work on units related to America’s founding, and a Christian media company, co-founded by Mike Huckabee, U.S. ambassador to Israel, contributed illustrations. But Texas officials refused to identify who wrote the biblical passages. 

In response to backlash, officials added more references to Islam and Hinduism and removed some texts that were offensive to Jews, but the final version still references Christianity more than other religions.

“We reviewed it and loved it,” said Cindi Castilla, president of the Texas Eagle Forum, a conservative organization. She pushed for state board approval of the curriculum last year, saying that there is “richness in biblical literature” and that Bible stories teach children character traits and the origins of the legal system. 

Since then, she examined the final version with retired educators who have experience teaching a classical curriculum and thinks it will strengthen students’ cursive and phonics skills. That’s why Gina Eubank wishes her grandchildren’s school districts — Katy, near Houston, and Belton, near Waco — had adopted the materials. 

“I watched … fourth- and sixth-grade honor students write a thank you note and was shocked by what I saw — the lack of legible handwriting and the horrific spelling,” she said.

‘Promote, market and advertise’

Districts on the fence about Bluebonnet can reconsider their decision next year. To make it more enticing, lawmakers added financial incentives — up to $60 per student for districts that use state-approved materials. That was likely one reason why the 27,000-student Lubbock schools adopted it, said Clinton Gill, a former math and science teacher in the district who now works for the Texas State Teachers Association.

At the same time, he thinks district leaders assume students will stand a better chance of performing well on the state test if officials match it up to a curriculum the state developed. Adopting Bluebonnet “also helps the district not have to hire staff to write curriculum when they get it from the state for free.”

The per-student bonus isn’t the only way the state aims to ensure Bluebonnet becomes the preferred choice. In December, the month after the board approved it, the Texas Education Agency quickly made Bluebonnet available to order. Materials from other publishers weren’t available until May.

“It seems that Bluebonnet Learning had an advantage,” Little told Morath, the commissioner, during . She said she heard complaints from publishers over the issue.

Morath called the delay a “one-time exacerbated problem” because the state had to add new language to contracts with publishers before making their materials available to districts. While the time lapse should be shorter next year, he said there would always be some gap.

In the current , lawmakers authorized Morath to contract with businesses to “promote, market and advertise” Bluebonnet. A provides $243 million to districts to help with implementation costs, like coaching for teachers. 

Last year’s budget included $10 million for regional education service centers to do similar work for districts adopting Bluebonnet. The centers are expected to for increasing the number of districts using the materials in their region to stay eligible for future funding. 

Some leaders in the state say that top-down pressure could alter the relationship the centers have traditionally had with school systems in their regions. They help districts, especially smaller ones with fewer central office staff, stay in compliance with state regulations or work on school improvement. 

The service centers have always been a “hub of knowledge,” said Martha Salazar-Zamora, superintendent of the Tomball Independent School District, north of Houston. Expecting districts to sell Bluebonnet, she said, “has been more of a strategic push.”

She doesn’t doubt that Bluebonnet will boost reading scores for some students, but Tomball is already rated a in the state’s accountability system.  Another reason why she didn’t consider the program is because a Spanish version is not yet available. Her district, where about 35% of students are , has a Spanish-English .

“I love anything that helps kids,” she said. “I just don’t think it’s the right tool for every district.”

When Roxanne Martinez launched her campaign for a seat on the school board in 2020 she thought that if she won, she could help schools tackle the problem of students’ learning gaps following more than a year of disruptions caused by the pandemic. Or she could help look for new ways to support teachers during this difficult period.

What Martinez had not counted on was a disruption of a different sort, mainly from elected state leaders.

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Since her election this past summer to the Fort Worth Independent School District board, the 41-year-old’s entry into local politics has been a scorching trial by fire, thanks to the Legislature’s focus on how racial inequity is taught in public schools and whether or not schools require students to wear masks during class.

“There’s been all of this distraction going on this year when our educators have been working double duty just to educate our students,” she said.

During Martinez’s short tenure, she has seen the explosion of criticism over how schools operate. The back and forth between school districts and the governor’s office over whether students must wear masks while attending classes was one fight that many could understand since the state and the nation are still trying to emerge from the coronavirus pandemic.

Martinez — like countless other school board members across Texas — has experienced what it’s like being on a school board during a time of social and public health reckonings. Where the first hours of meetings devoted to public comment used to center on improving student success, they have now become venting sessions. And every move by a school board seems to catch the ire from those in Austin or Washington, D.C.

“There’s a lot of politics being brought into the board meetings,” she said. “I sometimes see these tweets from the lieutenant governor and all these folks, all having some say about Fort Worth ISD but they’re not the ones here doing the work.”

Across the nation, as the coronavirus’ delta variant surge dissipated, the louder discussions over how racism is taught or even brought up in class have dominated school board meetings. There are complaints about how any discussion of racism is evidence of how critical race theory is being forced upon students.

Critical race theory, which holds that racism is embedded in legal systems and other policies, is a university-level subject and not one that has been introduced in any secondary school in Texas. But CRT has become shorthand for some members of the public who label any discussion of race as “critical race theory.”

And now a vague new keeps teachers from being forced to discuss a “controversial issue of public policy or social affairs” emboldening parents and other critics to root out what they see as unwanted discussions of race forced upon students.

But classroom discussions about race were not the only thing state lawmakers in check. On Oct. 26, lawmakers began have on library shelves. Gov. has called for investigations into whether .

Martinez knew the critical race theory debate had been playing out in surrounding North Texas cities like Southlake, the affluent suburb that sits between Fort Worth and Dallas where a school diversity and inclusion plan — as well as how parents opposed to the plan started a political movement there — .

And in nearby Colleyville after being put on paid administrative leave in August amid accusations he was teaching and promoting critical race theory.

Now, about six months after Martinez was elected, these fights among the community haven’t stopped. The Texas Republican Party it formed a new Local Government Committee to work with county parties on backing candidates in nonpartisan local elections.

Back in Fort Worth, divisiveness has reached such a fever pitch and led to a doxxing incident in which the addresses of more vocal community members were released on the internet by the former co-chair of the school district’s Racial Equity Committee. In response, former co-chair Norma Garcia-Lopez received death threats and was doxxed herself. Ironically, the committee formed in 2016 to bridge the gap in learning inequalities.

Lt. Gov. himself has commented on the Fort Worth school district’s committee,

“What’s happening in Fort Worth ISD is a reflection of a greater narrative that’s going around nationally,” Martinez said. “I just kind of walked into it as a new trustee.”

A polarized community

The sharp divide in Fort Worth can be traced back to a particularly heated late June school board meeting over so-called critical race theory that stretched a two-hour meeting to nearly five hours.

In the following months, tensions flared up even more when Fort Worth Superintendent Kent Scribner defied Abbott and enacted a mask mandate in early August without a vote from the board.

Days after, four parents sued the district saying the mandate was illegally put in place and successfully gained a temporary injunction while the lawsuit continues to be resolved.

While the parents — for now — have successfully blocked the mandate, this prompted backlash from Garcia-Lopez, then the co-chair of Fort Worth ISD’s Racial Equity Committee. Weeks before she was appointed, Garcia-Lopez expressed her frustration by calling one of the parents on the suit and leaving a profanity-laced voicemail. She also posted information online about the parents, which she says she found on the suit. The posts have since been taken down.

“Some people find my choice of words in that message offensive,” she said in a statement to The Texas Tribune. “What’s really offensive is that four white parents can flex their privilege — risking children of color in the process — and expect to do it with impunity. That should be a red flag to everyone.”

Fort Worth ISD serves about 76,000 students with a majority being Hispanic and Black. Data and research has shown that these two groups.

Following Garcia-Lopez’s actions, Fox News wrote detailing what she did and then the death threats came her way. Soon after, her inbox was filled with vulgar, racist threats and others with sexually explicit messages.

Some told her to come to another school board meeting so that they could “come in droves to fat shame” her. Eventually, someone published her home address on the internet, and she said she was forced to move, fearing for her family’s safety.

Garcia-Lopez stepped down as co-chair of the committee on Dec. 8, saying that it was a necessary step so the committee can continue its work without distraction.

“My departure follows more than three weeks of relentless attacks by white supremacists who lied, threatened death and sexual violence, spewed vile hate speech and harassed members of my family,” Garcia-Lopez said in a written statement. “It was fueled by international coverage in extremist media outlets and by a state-level elected official.”

Garcia-Lopez said in a statement that she was devastated by the silence of the Fort Worth school board. The district said in a statement that “Ms. Norma Garcia-Lopez is a community member, not an employee of the District, and has voluntarily relinquished her position as co-chair of the Racial Equity Committee.”

Todd Daniel, one of the parents on the suit, said challenging the mask mandate is just the beginning for him and several other parents who are organizing to root out what he terms critical race theory in Fort Worth ISD.

Daniel said the masking and the conversations of race go hand in hand.

“They’re tying our desire to not have to make our kids wear masks at school for eight hours to ‘We’re racists, we’re white supremacists,’” he said.

Jennifer Treger, another parent on the lawsuit, said in a statement that it’s been disheartening to see that people have tied mask mandates to one’s race.

“The color of one’s skin plays no part in my belief that families should have the option to choose whether they mask their children or not,” she said. “We should all be able to disagree and still remain respectful of one another’s opinions.”

While they wait for the lawsuit to be resolved, Daniel said critical race theory is indeed in Fort Worth ISD. The district itself has claimed it does not teach the theory in classrooms.

But the district does offer instructions for teachers about critical race theory.

The school district’s mentions an introductory course for teachers on critical race theory. The 45-page handbook provides an overview of the district’s Division of Equity and Excellence, which is meant to “ensure equity in all practices and at all organizational levels in FWISD.”

The district did not immediately respond to questions about the handbook. In the , articles such as are made available. For Daniel, this promotes divisiveness in the community.

“We’re not liking all this race division and hate … in the name of getting rid of systemic racism,” he said. “We’re actually putting systemic racism back in our district.”

Republicans make their move

Outside the Fort Worth school district, state Republican lawmakers have been closely following the fights in school boards there and elsewhere. And they’ve expanded their opposition to discussion in classrooms to books included in school libraries that focus on sexuality and race.

And in turn, some parents have been emboldened by the politicization of school board issues and the subsequent content battles. Last month, Keller, a city near Fort Worth, was in the spotlight after parents successfully got a book removed because it had

To push the issue further, the state Republican Party announced on Dec. 6 it had formed the Local Government Committee to work with county parties on backing candidates in nonpartisan local elections, where hot-button issues like mask mandates and the teaching of so-called critical race theory have become political stances.

“That’s really been the match that totally” ignited this, said Rolando Garcia, a member of the State Republican Executive Committee who chairs the new group. “School board races have always been important, but it’s been hard to get the attention and resources to them, and so they’ve been sleepy affairs.”

More recently, the Texas House Freedom Caucus districts to leave the National Association of School Boards after that national organization called on the Biden administration to consider some toward school board members as acts of “domestic terrorism.”

The national organization apologized for the language it used and took down its request. The organization declined to comment on the . The Texas Association of School Boards, for now, isn’t planning on leaving the national organization but will be monitoring how it rebuilds trust with communities and school board organizations across the country.

Dozens of other state school board organizations the national organization thus far.

State Rep. , R-Wallisville, the man who wrote to the state school board association asking them to separate themselves, said the National Association of School Boards attacked parental rights, especially for those fighting “critical race theory” in schools.

“The radical left is pushing and fighting conservative values more than they ever have,” Middleton said. He added it may be time for a parental Bill of Rights to make sure they are having their voices heard.

“If the school district is going to ignore the law — is going to ignore the voice of local parents that come to the school board to make their voice heard — then they need to be able to have the money follow the child and go somewhere that works for them,” he said.

So far, no Texas school district has offered instruction on critical race theory to students.

Brandon Rottinghaus, a political science professor at the University of Houston, said as school board races have become more partisan, less attention could be paid to greater local problems.

“This is squeezing local school boards and their ability to operate from a local issues perspective and superimposing national politics where it may not fit,” he said.

While school board races have often been seen as an entry point into a political career, this move to bring party politics in what has traditionally been nonpartisan races. For Republicans, this is a chance to deepen their political bench as the party seeks to grow its list of viable candidates, Rottinghaus said. Parental rights and issues on race and diversity are the new focal points for the Republican party.

Rebecca Deen, political science professor at the University of Texas at Arlington, said savvy politicians often swoop in when they see a hot-button issue surface, but she worries the division and politics will scare away capable nonpartisan candidates from even running in school board elections.

As she goes into the tail end of her first year in office, Martinez said she is determined to keep her focus on students. As a Latina who went to school in Fort Worth, she believes her representation on the school board matters. She knows the struggles Latino students face. And she’s not worried about politics — she’s worried about figuring out the best way to recover from the pandemic that still rages on.

“I’m not here for politics. I’m here for the kids,” she said.

Brian Lopez is an education reporter at , the only member-supported, digital-first, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues. This article  at TexasTribune.org.

The towers, which stand 60-to-80 feet tall, have been erected by the school district at  Dunbar High School, Morningside Middle School, Rosemont Middle School and Eastern Hills High School. 

One-quarter of students most in need of internet access have been connected. The remaining 75% of students will get internet service when phase two of the project begins in December. Zip codes that are underserved will be targeted, according to the district. 

The pandemic and its effects, including the rise of virtual learning, exposed the digital divide, particularly in communities of color. Those students lack wifi access, exacerbating the already existing racial achievement gap in many schools across the country. 

The towers are meant to help combat that problem in Fort Worth where an estimated 60,000 residents lack internet access. 

“Our towers are up and functional,” said Chief Information Officer Marlon Shears in a statement. “We are continuing to deploy service by getting modems to students in need. We also have begun the process to put up more towers, extending service into additional areas.”

Voters approved funding the project in November 2020 through the Tax Ratification Election (TRE).

According to the 2019 Worst Connected Cities from the National Digital Inclusion Alliance, Fort Worth ranked No. 245 out of 625 cities in terms of connectivity. The report, based on data from the 2019 American Community Survey, found that 11% of  Fort Worth households did not have broadband and nearly 28% of households lacked a cable, fiber optic line or DSL. This was an improvement over 2018, when 31% of households did not have cable, fiber optic or DSL. 

NDIA Executive Director Angela Siefer said 36 million U.S. households don’t have a home broadband subscription. Of the 36 million, 26 million are in urban areas. 

“So we know we have an infrastructure availability issue in rural areas,” she said. “And what we know in urban areas is even when the infrastructure is there, people don’t always subscribe. And why don’t people subscribe? It’s expensive, digital literacy issues, trust issues about getting stuck with large bills. 

“So there needs to be alternative solutions,” Siefer continued. “And what some school districts are doing … is they’ve come up with an alternative solution, which is, you know what, we’re just going to build it ourselves.”

That’s what Fort Worth is doing.  

Clay Robison, spokesman for Texas State Teachers Association, noted that most students in Texas are no longer learning remotely, but are back in classrooms. 

“The new Fort Worth towers should benefit students and teachers who are still involved in remote instruction,” he said, adding students learn best with a teacher in the classroom.  

“If the Fort Worth district continues to provide wifi access. This will help students with their homework and studies at home and, we hope, help narrow the digital divide between low-income and more-fortunate students,” he said, later adding: “Most school districts were scrambling after the pandemic broke out to provide digital access to students who needed it. Some districts were more successful than others.”