That might sound like the premise of an episode of Gordon Ramsay鈥檚 Kitchen Nightmares. But something very similar is happening right now in California鈥檚 public schools. Worse still, there鈥檚 no celebrity chef coming to clean up the mess. 

Even though public school enrollment has fallen sharply since the pandemic, most California districts have continued adding staff. Now teachers unions are pressing districts to commit to more expensive labor contracts, even as the funding they receive remains tied to the number of students they serve.

Earlier this month, teachers in two Sacramento-area school districts the job after contract negotiations stalled, bringing the number of teacher strikes in California to six this school year. And more may be on the way. Unions in Los Angeles and Berkeley have already authorized strikes if negotiations fail.

These strikes are not isolated incidents. They are part of a coordinated statewide pressure by the California Teachers Association (CTA) called 鈥淲e Can鈥檛 Wait,鈥� involving 32 districts that educate about 1 million of the state鈥檚 students. As the San Francisco Chronicle recently , the campaign has emboldened local unions to dig their heels in and make contract demands that go beyond what independent state panels have recommended.

How did we get here? 

From the perspective of union leaders, the answer is simple: California鈥檚 schools are understaffed and educators are underpaid. 鈥淲e have a staffing crisis, and it鈥檚 worst in areas where teachers are needed the most,鈥� Kyle Weinberg of the San Diego Education Association . 鈥淚f we want to fully staff our schools, we need a living wage.鈥� Striking a similar tone, Kampala Taiz-Rancifer of the Oakland Education Association : 鈥淥ur students deserve smaller class sizes that allow them to thrive and feel safe at school.鈥�

These local leaders are echoed by their counterparts in state headquarters. 鈥淭here is no district anywhere in the state that is getting what they deserve from the state鈥檚 funding system,鈥� CTA President David Goldberg the Sacramento Bee. 鈥淚t is a system that has gone on for decades and basically balanced budgets on the backs of our students and educators.鈥�

But research produced by a union-friendly organization complicates that claim. A recent school finance from the Albert Shanker Institute finds that California devotes 3.4 percent of its economic capacity to K鈥�12 schools, compared with a national average of 3.1 percent. In other words, California already commits 10% more of its economic capacity to public education than the typical U.S. state.

Many union leaders say that California districts have prioritized administrative spending over investing in teachers and classroom support staff. Yet in Twin Rivers Unified School District, where teachers are currently on strike, the data point in the opposite direction. Combining figures by district officials with on teacher contracts shows that starting teacher pay in the Sacramento-area district has increased about 35% since 2019, rising from $48,168 to $65,228鈥攔oughly equal to the household income there. 

Meanwhile, NCES data by Marguerite Roza鈥檚 Edunomics Lab shows that administrative and central office staffing in Twin Rivers has been slashed while the number of teachers and paraprofessionals has grown, even as enrollment has fallen.

The slogan 鈥淲e Can鈥檛 Wait鈥� also carries an unintended irony for parents and students. Research has consistently that districts that relied more heavily on remote instruction during the pandemic experienced larger post-pandemic enrollment declines as parents sought alternatives when schools failed to reopen.

According to my own analysis of AEI鈥檚 Return 2 Learn , the 32 districts participating in the CTA campaign spent nearly 80% of the 2020鈥�21 school year in fully virtual learning, while the rest of California鈥檚 districts were remote for closer to half that school year. Twenty-one of the 32 districts never reopened for a continuous week of fully in-person learning that year.

Many families apparently voted with their feet. Since the pandemic, NCES data shows that the 32 districts participating in CTA鈥檚 campaign experienced average enrollment declines of about 8%. Comparing these districts to their neighbors within the same counties 鈥� a fairer apples-to-apples comparison 鈥� enrollment in 鈥淲e Can鈥檛 Wait鈥� districts fell about 3 percentage points more than in nearby districts that are not part of the campaign.

In other words, the union locals striking 鈥� or threatening to strike 鈥� are concentrated in districts that have lost a larger share of their students since the pandemic and are therefore more vulnerable to structural deficits.

State policymakers haven鈥檛 helped. California expanded 鈥溾�� that allowed districts to be funded based on prior-year attendance rather than the number of students actually showing up. Because those protections were strengthened during the pandemic, the fiscal impact of enrollment losses did not fully hit district budgets until around 2024,especially after federal ESSER funding expired. In effect, districts were being paid based on yesterday鈥檚 students rather than today鈥檚. It was like a restaurant paying this year鈥檚 servers with last year鈥檚 reservations.

Which brings me back to the slogan 鈥淲e Can鈥檛 Wait.鈥� During the pandemic, students and families were the ones told to wait: for classrooms to reopen, for normal schooling to resume, for the adults in charge to figure things out. Families were told to be patient, even as many quietly began leaving the system.

Now many of the same union locals that kept students waiting the longest are warning of a five-alarm fire. But emergencies caused by earlier choices have a different name.

They鈥檙e what happens when the customers leave and the bill finally comes due.

As Marguerite Roza recently predicted, 鈥淭o balance [their] budget, districts will issue pink slips, cut some electives, Advanced Placement classes and sports, eliminate supports for high-needs children, freeze hiring and close schools.鈥� Unfortunately, that prediction is already coming true. Across California, districts have issued thousands of preliminary layoff notices as they scramble to close widening budget deficits.

We can鈥檛 wait any longer. That鈥檚 just the math.

Some 3,000 teachers, paraprofessionals, office staff and cafeteria workers in Richmond, California, reported to a picket line instead of their schools Thursday in the West Contra Costa Unified School District. 

Members of the United Teachers of Richmond and Teamsters demanded the district of 26,000 students hike wages to address increasing staff vacancies, but West Contra Costa has said a steep budget deficit made that impossible. At least seven other California teachers unions are at an impasse with their districts during contract negotiations. On Wednesday, United Teachers Los Angeles announced an impasse, while United Educators of San Francisco completed the first of two scheduled strike votes. 

West Contra Costa Unified, located in the San Francisco Bay area, has been since February. The district initially proposed no raises for teachers, while the union requested a 5% annual pay hike for the next two school years. Following an impasse in August, the district recently , but the proposal was rejected.

The district鈥檚 Teamsters union, which represents paraprofessionals along with office, cafeteria, maintenance and security workers, on Tuesday. Its members joined the teachers on the picket line Thursday.

United Teachers of Richmond said in a that 70 classrooms are currently without permanent, credentialed teachers and 1,500 educators have left the district in the past five years. 

鈥淭hese vacancies also mean that our students receiving special education services do so from outside contractors, some over Zoom,鈥� the union said in the statement. 鈥淚nability to staff our schools also results in overcrowded classrooms, overworked teachers and diminished learning environments.鈥�

Superintendent Cheryl Cotton, who was hired six months ago, said in a that the district already needs significant budget cuts. In a November fact-finding , an arbitrator said West Contra Costa has a deficit of $16.9 million, but the union claimed the budget projections are incorrect and leave out millions in revenue.

鈥淚 heard the real frustration of our educators regarding pay increases, health benefits, special education, fully staffed schools and several other key issues,鈥� Cotton said. 鈥淐ompensation increases only increase the size of the financial reductions our board must make this year.鈥�

Classrooms remained open Thursday as the strike began. On Tuesday, the Richmond City Council approved $50,000 in to expand community center hours and provide programming for children during the strike. 

The union completed a , with 90% of members casting ballots in favor. That pressure caused West Contra Costa Unified to offer a 14.5% raise over two years, and the strike was avoided.

School districts across the nation are struggling to afford teacher contracts amid financial strains caused by loss of state and federal funding, underenrollment and other issues. 

Several California teachers unions have recently declared an impasse during negotiations, including Los Angeles, Berkeley, Madera, Twin Rivers, Natomas, Oakland and San Francisco. The next step in the bargaining process is often hiring a third-party mediator, but a strike can occur if an agreement isn鈥檛 reached. 

More than 99% of United Educators of San Francisco members Wednesday after nine months of bargaining with San Francisco Unified. It鈥檚 the first step in a two-vote process before the union can finalize a strike date.

The union, which has 6,500 members, has for a 14% pay increase for support staff and 9% for teachers over two years, along with improvements to health care coverage, special education teacher workloads and family housing. 

After initially offering no raises, the district a 2% increase in September. The union rejected the offer, and both parties declared an impasse and entered mediation in October. 

A in 2023 resulted in a $9,000 salary increase and an additional 5% raise last year.

The district of 50,000 students has a for the next school year. In 2024, it went through several reductions in expenses and jobs and still has . Just like in Richmond, the union the district of mismanaging the budget and failing to present accurate financial figures. 

鈥淭he superintendent鈥檚 perspective [is] that there is no money and that more cuts will stabilize the school district budget,鈥� the union said in a . 鈥淓very year, we have been in negotiations with the district, they have claimed the same thing. This is despite the facts 鈥� year after year, San Francisco Unified closes its books with millions in surplus cash, they send out pink slips but start the next year with empty classrooms, they put families on a long waitlist to enroll their students while forcing underenrollment at schools.鈥�

San Francisco Unified that it鈥檚 committed to securing an agreement with the union, but it鈥檚 also dealing with fiscal oversight by the state and is in the process of making millions of dollars in budget reductions.

鈥淗ere鈥檚 the punchline: We have to tax the rich,鈥� Davis Gates said at an Oct. 29 in Springfield, Illinois. 鈥淚t is not because we just think that they鈥檙e not doing enough, it鈥檚 because we do our fair share and then some, and we need a little more help. It鈥檚 fair.鈥�

The state鈥檚 education funding formula was with an infusion of money designed to ensure districts reach at least 90% of adequate funding levels by 2027. A recent found that while this change improved some school budgets, districts won鈥檛 reach full funding until at least 2038, 鈥渓eaving an entire generation of students without access to an adequately funded education.鈥�

鈥淲e need our Illinois lawmakers to deliver 鈥� they have already promised us those funds but they have not delivered,鈥� said Cyndi Oberle-Dahm, the statewide union鈥檚 executive vice president. 鈥淥ver one-third of Illinois school districts are funded at 76% or less. The only way we are going to fix this is to have a new revenue structure.鈥�

The Illinois Federation of Teachers 鈥� which has 103,000 members and more than 200 chapters including the Chicago Teachers Union 鈥� in a statement that the lack of adequate resources has caused districts to struggle with meeting legal requirements for special education, keeping class sizes manageable and recruiting and retaining staff.

While there are no policy proposals for taxing the wealthy on the table in Illinois, the union argues that the state could pursue something like Massachusetts鈥� to help fund schools. The law requires an additional 4% levy paid by anyone earning more than $1 million annually. Massachusetts accrued almost $3 billion from the tax this past fiscal year.

Davis Gates, who was previously vice president of the statewide union, replaced Dan Montgomery in October after his resignation. School funding has been a main focus for her in Chicago. The district currently receives and has experienced tumultuous budget deficits, including a in state dollars. 

In November, the Chicago Teachers Union to pass Mayor Brandon Johnson鈥檚 proposed budget, which earmarked $552 million for Chicago Public Schools from the city鈥檚 unused tax increment financing revenue.

Davis Gates and other union leaders said in a that Chicago鈥檚 budget is 鈥渨hat we need our Governor and Illinois General Assembly to mirror at the state level.鈥�

鈥淐hicago can only do so much while Illinois鈥� tax system is upside down,鈥� the union said. 鈥淲e need our state government to fight Trump cuts with ending tax breaks for the ultra-wealthy and to protect Illinois with the promised but undelivered resources to our schools, transit and public institutions.鈥�

Last year, the conservative Freedom Foundation made headlines with a high-profile effort to convince Miami-Dade teachers to dump their union. 

Ultimately, it flopped: 83% of members voted to stick with United Teachers of Dade. Still, Brent Urbanik, president of the rival Miami Dade Education Coalition, said he appreciated the Foundation鈥檚 鈥渁ll-hands-on-deck鈥� support, which included funding mailers to teachers鈥� homes and to knock on doors. Urbanik said he couldn鈥檛 have run the campaign without the Foundation鈥檚 help. 

But he鈥檚 not a fan of the group鈥檚 latest move. In late September, it named anti-union firebrand Ryan Walters, 翱办濒补丑辞尘补鈥檚 former state chief, as head of its new Teacher Freedom Alliance.  

鈥淢ost teachers just want to go to school. They want to teach their subjects, and they want to know that they’re not going to get fired for saying the wrong thing,鈥� he said. With Walters at the helm, he said, the Teacher Freedom Alliance risks becoming 鈥渢he right鈥檚 version of the left鈥檚 problem, which is the politicization of classroom material.鈥� 

To Aaron Withe, the Foundation鈥檚 CEO, Walters is a 鈥渇reedom fighter鈥� who brings passion and new energy to a cause that has seen mixed results since the Supreme Court鈥檚 2018 decision in . The court ruled that teachers and other public sector employees can opt out of paying fees to unions they don鈥檛 want to join. But Walters is escalating the attack. Since resigning from his state job, he鈥檚 criticized for striking over their recent loss of collective bargaining and joined members in Florida, where he said unions have turned schools into 鈥淢arxist indoctrination centers.鈥� 

One frequent target of his rhetoric doesn鈥檛 see the new Alliance as a threat. In a statement, Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers, called the Foundation鈥檚 post-Janus efforts a 鈥渄ismal failure.鈥�  

Urbanik, who teaches AP Psychology at a magnet school in Miami-Dade, is among those educators who think the AFT and the National Education Association have strayed too far from core bargaining issues like salaries, benefits and working conditions. That鈥檚 what Mark Janus, a former child support specialist in Illinois, argued when he challenged AFSCME on First Amendment grounds, that he shouldn鈥檛 be forced to financially support a union鈥檚 political activities or preferred candidates.

鈥淭here was an inherent unfairness in requiring people to join a union and spend money on political activities they disagree with in order to hold a government job,鈥� said Dean McGee, senior counsel and director of educational freedom at the Liberty Justice Center, the conservative law firm that represented Janus. 

Since Janus, some teachers say that unions continue to make it hard to opt out by automatically renewing membership without warning or creating short 鈥渆scape鈥� windows for canceling membership. But in 2021, the U.S. Supreme Court declined to hear those concerns.

鈥楶ower comes from money鈥�

Teachers鈥� conflicts with their unions aren鈥檛 always political. Members of the Miami-Dade Education Coalition say United Teachers of Dade didn鈥檛 fight for raises and merit pay tied to a 2011 state law after the district said it was an unfunded mandate and they couldn鈥檛 afford the bonuses. 

And in Chicago, Liberty Justice Center represents members of the Chicago Teachers Union who are union leaders for a required annual audit for the past four years. 

The Teacher Freedom Alliance, McGee said, takes the Janus ruling a step further. 鈥淭he power comes from money, and the money comes from member dues,鈥� he said. If unions are losing members, he suggested they focus on 鈥渕embers鈥� interests and not broader political fights.鈥�

He didn鈥檛 mention specific priorities, but the NEA this year that aim to counteract President Donald Trump鈥檚 鈥渆mbrace of fascism鈥� and to support 鈥淣o Kings鈥� protests. 

Opt-out campaigns have generally seen mixed results, experts say. When they鈥檙e combined with legislation to undermine the unions, as when Wisconsin stripped public sector unions of collective bargaining in 2011, membership drops, said Eunice Han, an associate economics professor at the University of Utah who studies unions. 

In 2023, Florida passed a law that requires unions to maintain a 60% dues-paying membership. In January 2024, United Teachers of Dade . Urbanik鈥檚 group saw an opening. 

A year after the law passed, over 50 public sector unions in the state had been wiped out because they couldn鈥檛 reach the 60% threshold, according to . But only three of those were K-12 unions, all of which represented non-instructional staff. 

of the Florida Education Association 鈥渉ave successfully re-certified,鈥� Han said. The Freedom Foundation has seen small victories in other states where it鈥檚 been active, like Oregon, California and Washington. 

Larry Delaney, president of the Washington Education Association, said the Foundation frequently sends mailers with messages encouraging teachers and other school staff to opt out. The cards include a section the member can rip off and mail back to the union鈥檚 address. Their campaigns get creative, he said. Around Halloween, one mailer portrayed Delaney as a monster. Another said 鈥淕ive yourself a Christmas bonus! End your monthly union dues.鈥�

But only a handful of members opt out each year, Delaney said.

Some mailers look like a and include a fake check representing how much money members would save in dues each year if they quit the union. Based on his own experience, it costs about $40,000 to send mail to all 84,000 members of the union statewide, and the Freedom Foundation sends a new mailer almost monthly.

鈥淚 don’t know what their direct mailing budget is, but it’s large,鈥� he said. The Foundation didn鈥檛 comment on its mailing budget.

The Foundation, a $17 million operation, according to its most , is a nonprofit and doesn鈥檛 have to disclose donors. In Florida, the free market-oriented , founded by successful futures trader Bill Dunn, donated $100,000 to support the Miami Dade Education Coalition鈥檚 opt-out campaign, according to .

by the Center for Media and Democracy, a progressive organization that tracks spending by conservative groups, show the Koch Brothers, the Milwaukee-based Bradley Foundation and the Sarah Scaife Foundation in Pittsburgh, are also among the Foundation鈥檚 contributors. Those organizations often fund right-leaning causes, like efforts to roll back and PragerU, a media operation that produces conservative videos for kids.

鈥榃e won鈥檛 be intimidated鈥�

The Foundation used some of its resources to fight that says union members can sue if someone is trying to impersonate them as an opt-out strategy. 

鈥淭hey say that we’re pretending to be union officials and going to union members鈥� homes to convince them to leave,鈥� Withe, the Foundation鈥檚 CEO, said in an . 鈥淲e won’t be intimidated. If anything, we鈥檙e more emboldened to go and get more of their members.鈥�

The Foundation wasn鈥檛 able to keep the bill from passing. It allows union representatives to bring a civil lawsuit against a group or individual that tries to deceive a union member into opting out. Withe said the unions provided no evidence that the Foundation employed deception. 

But his group did manage to get teachers in the small 126-student along the south coast of Oregon, to create a new independent union in June. When all 13 of their teachers voted unanimously to create the new Cruiser Educators Association, the Oregon Education Association didn鈥檛 oppose the move. 

Gabe Shorb, a sixth grade teacher in the district, first heard Walters speak at one of the Foundation鈥檚 Teacher Freedom Summits and called his message 鈥渞efreshing.鈥�

He said several teachers had already opted out on their own and a few had joined the Teacher Freedom Alliance. Those remaining felt the Oregon Education Association wasn鈥檛 very helpful when they bargained with the district and asked for contract information from comparable districts. Membership in the new union is free.

鈥淚’m hoping that we’ll make connections and show other small districts that, 鈥楬ey you don’t have to pay a lot of money for something that’s really not that useful,鈥� 鈥� he said.

The Freedom Foundation also pushed this year for that would prevent teachers from using paid professional development days to attend the Montana Federation of Public Employees鈥� annual meeting. The sessions, the Foundation argues, are 鈥渙riented toward political activism, radical woke ideology and union marketing.鈥� to panels on topics such as equity training and promoting LGBTQ issues. But the bill died in the session.

The Teacher Freedom Alliance aims to give school staff an alternative to the AFT and the NEA. Its free membership includes liability coverage up to $2 million, which protects teachers if they鈥檙e sued or need legal representation for other reasons. The American Association of Educators, with about 32,000 members, charges $19.50 per month for that includes liability coverage as well as other benefits, like shopping discounts.

Walters first promoted the new Alliance in March with a , drawing an ethics complaint from Rep. Ellen Pogemiller, a Democrat, who argued that he was using state resources to endorse an organization. The complaint was dismissed, and the state attorney general said he didn鈥檛 break the law.聽Walters did not respond to attempts to reach him by phone or text.

When he accepted the new job, Pogemiller filed , suggesting his promotion of the group was for personal gain. The state ethics commission hasn鈥檛 issued any findings. 

Walters might have taken the job because he thought it would 鈥済ive him a larger national profile,鈥� said Julia Koppich, an independent consultant in San Francisco and expert on teachers unions.

He might also have been seeking a higher salary. His paid $124,000. The Foundation did not disclose his salary at Teacher Freedom Alliance, but past show Withe made $525,000 in 2023, and other top executives earned in the $200,000 range. 

Koppich wonders how the new Alliance will benefit teachers. In states where unions have bargaining rights, teachers who drop their membership can鈥檛 negotiate their own salaries and working conditions with school districts, Koppich said. They鈥檙e bound by the union contract whether they pay dues or not. 

In non-union states, teacher pay is set by a statewide salary schedule.

鈥淯nionism is baked in where it鈥檚 baked in and anathema where it鈥檚 always been anathema,鈥� Koppich said. 鈥淭hese [opt-out] organizations don鈥檛 have a great track record.鈥� 

In Miami, Urbanik blames part of his group鈥檚 poor showing in the election on the Miami- Dade district. He said officials 鈥渉eavily suppressed鈥� his organization鈥檚 message. Some teachers didn鈥檛 even know the vote was taking place. About two-thirds of the Miami-Dade teachers didn’t vote.

鈥淲e were not allowed to have contact with teachers on school grounds,鈥� he said. 鈥淚 was not allowed to have a mailer placed in mailboxes.鈥�

Under Walters, opt-out drives are likely to go national and his rhetoric about unions funding agendas unrelated to the classroom are expected to intensify, said Han, with the University of Utah. 

鈥淚 believe that with Walters鈥檚 leadership,鈥� Han said, 鈥渨e may see a more politically charged and aggressive version of the Freedom Foundation鈥檚 strategy.鈥�

Teresa Brady, who spent 24 years as president of Duval Teachers United in Jacksonville, pleaded guilty in federal court Oct. 9 to multiple counts. Co-defendant Ruby George, who was the union’s vice president for 24 years, pleaded guilty in August.

The pair were accused of swindling roughly $1.3 million each by selling supposedly unused vacation days back to the union and approving each other’s paperwork to avoid scrutiny.

Brady faces a maximum of 70 years in prison when sentenced. George faces up to 60 years.聽Lawyers for Brady and George did not respond to requests for comment.

Duval County Public Schools declined to comment. The union didn鈥檛 return multiple requests for comment but in January that said, 鈥渢his will never happen again.鈥�

鈥淒uval Teachers United will pursue all legal channels to recoup lost funds and hold those responsible accountable,鈥� the union said. 鈥淲e want to be clear: Members and current leadership of Duval Teachers United and affiliated unions do not tolerate the undermining of our members or the misuse of valuable membership dollars.鈥�

The union collects $5 million annually in dues from its 6,500 members. Roughly half is forwarded to state and national affiliates.

Federal agents raided the headquarters of Duval Teachers United in September 2023 to investigate potential misappropriation of funds. Brady and George resigned soon after. 

Duval County Public Schools employees accrue 42 vacation days per year, and the time can be rolled over, according to Brady鈥檚 . There鈥檚 no limit to how much accrued leave employees can sell back to the union at a rate equivalent to their hourly pay. 

From 2013 to late 2022, Brady and George concealed their actual leave totals from the union and its auditor, and falsely stated the amount of accumulated leave they said they needed to sell back 鈥渢o avoid the leave being a liability to Duval Teachers United,鈥� the indictment said. 

They would sign each other’s leave buyback checks so the union鈥檚 treasurer wouldn’t see them. The checks were deposited into their personal bank accounts, many in the amounts of $10,000 to more than $30,000, according to court documents. They would also request reimbursement for expenses that weren鈥檛 related to the union and pay each other bonuses without the authorization of the union board.

The leave payouts were hidden in general budget line items for salaries and payroll taxes in the union鈥檚 financial statements, the indictment said. Brady and George defrauded the union out of around $2.6 million over almost 10 years. Both were ordered to pay back the amount they stole, but because the money was already spent, the federal government will be seeking other assets, according to court documents.

Public records show that pay for both union leaders fluctuated wildly. Brady鈥檚 salary ranged from $160,000 in 2006-07 to more than $326,000 in 2019-20. She received $251,868 in 2021-22. George received $134,000 in 2018-19 and almost $327,000 the following year.

鈥淚 accept full responsibility for my actions and their consequences,鈥� Brady . 鈥淚 am truly sorry for my wrongdoing and the harm I caused to Duval Teachers United and its members. Understanding the seriousness of my offenses, I accept the outcome with humility and sincere remorse while deeply regretting breaching the trust placed in me by [Duval Teachers United], my community and my family.鈥�

In the union鈥檚 January press release, it said several steps had been taken to protect membership dues. The organization hired an independent outside bookkeeper and now requires reimbursements to be approved by several union leaders and an outside accountant before payments are processed. The selling of vacation time also has to be approved by the union鈥檚 board of directors. 

鈥淭he board of directors has received training to empower it in their role as the governing body of Duval Teachers United,鈥� the union said. 鈥淏oard members have formed specialty committees that oversee the critical functions of Duval Teachers United operations, so transparency and accountability are always a part of our culture moving forward.鈥�

In late August, Philadelphia Public Schools and its teachers union narrowly avoided a strike with an agreement that included 3% annual raises. But weeks later, the district had to seek permission to borrow up to $1.5 billion to help cover the cost of the contract and other expenses.

Districts in Fairfax County, Virginia, and Baltimore County had to renegotiate teacher contracts this summer after budget shortfalls left them without enough funding for promised raises. And Chicago Public Schools approved raises in a four-year union contract in April while staring down a $734 million deficit, before closing the gap as the school year began.  

Debt has grown steadily for U.S. public schools, from $415 billion in 2013 to more than $586 billion in 2023, according to the latest available. Philadelphia and Chicago were among the nation鈥檚 reporting debts exceeding revenues in 2023.

In March, the Philadelphia district adopted a $4.6 billion budget that reflects a slated to reach $466 million in 2027 and $774 million in 2030. Its three-year contract with the Philadelphia Federation of Teachers, which represents 14,000 educators, counselors and paraprofessionals, depended on from the state. But more than two months after the deadline for passing a budget, state lawmakers are at an , delaying funding to pay for the contract and other operating expenses. Michael Herbstman, Philadelphia鈥檚 chief financial officer, said the $1.5 billion in borrowing will help the cash flow problem.

鈥淭he one caveat on that is this does cost us a significant amount,鈥� he said. 鈥淭he state budget impasse is adding about $15 million to what we will incur in interest costs to borrow 鈥� that’s where it hits our budget.鈥�

Experts say declining enrollment, coupled with the expiration of federal pandemic relief funds, have taken a toll on school budgets across the nation. The Philadelphia school district lost from the 2014-15 school year to 2024-25.

Chicago Public Schools is in the same boat. The third-largest school district had more than in 2000. This year鈥檚 reported sits at 316,224. The was delayed this year by efforts to close the $734 million deficit, which included a $175 million payment the city expects for a pension fund reimbursement. For months, district officials and school board members debated whether to address the gap by paying the city or taking out a short-term loan.

During that time, the district considered delaying raises included in a $1.5 billion Chicago Teachers Union contract that was approved in April 鈥�  until union President Stacy Davis Gates threatened legal action.

鈥淐ontracts are not optional documents,鈥� Davis Gates in a letter to the school board. 鈥淭hey are covenants that provide security to the district鈥檚 employees, promises to the district鈥檚 students and labor peace for the city as a whole.鈥�

Chicago Public Schools approved a $10.25 billion budget in August that included a and other refinancing to close the budget gap. The district decided against a short-term loan and will move forward with the only if it receives extra revenue.

The district told 蜜桃影视 that it balanced the budget to ensure it could 鈥渇ully meet its obligations related to wages, staffing and programming, as outlined in its labor agreements.鈥�

In Baltimore County, the school district had to go back to the bargaining table with its teachers union this summer after it ran out of money for raises. 

In 2023, the district had approved annual pay boosts for 9,000 members of the Teachers Association of Baltimore County , according to reporting from . Educators received a 3% raise the first year, but when federal COVID relief funds decreased and the the district鈥檚 request for more money, officials rescinded the 5% bump that had been scheduled for July 1.

In May, teachers rallied before and after school, demanding 鈥減romises made should be promises kept.鈥� The district offered a 1.5% raise but the union rejected it, leading to an impasse before the two parties in July on 3.05%. Part of the increase took effect in September, while the rest will start in January.

鈥淲e know the impact of high-quality educators on student success,鈥� the union said in a June 6 . 鈥淲hen we fight for what we鈥檝e been promised, we do so to keep our veteran educators, to keep our early and mid-career educators, and to continue to compete for new educators to come here.鈥�

In Virginia, Fairfax County Public Schools from its board of supervisors in January to cover raises that were promised in a union contract, but it received less than half of the amount.

The Fairfax Education Unions鈥� collective bargaining agreement approved in January was its first in nearly 50 years. It included a for its 27,500 members starting July 1. The county budget shortfall prompted the district to for this school year. Future pay increases will be subject to local government funding.

鈥淭he board of supervisors鈥� refusal to address existing issues and triangulating political interests enables persistent underfunding of [Fairfax County],鈥� the union said in a . 鈥淸The board] ignored our input and decided teachers, bus drivers, custodians and educational staff deserve remarkably lower compensation than all other public employees.鈥�

The Philadelphia Federation of Teachers declined to comment for this story. Unions in Chicago, Fairfax County and Baltimore County did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

Classes began Sept. 12 at Evergreen Public Schools in Washington state after a strike by support staff delayed the start of school for nearly three weeks. The Public School Employees of Washington SEIU Local 1948, which represents 1,400 paraprofessionals, bus drivers and other staff, reached a deal with the district Sept. 11. The  includes a 13.5% pay hike for paraprofessionals over the three-year contract, but union members won’t receive compensation for the month of September.

A week after school was supposed to start, classrooms in Washington state’s Evergreen Public Schools are still closed due to a staff strike.

The district of 22,000 students in Vancouver was supposed to have its first day of school Aug. 26. But the opening was delayed when Public School Employees of Washington SEIU Local 1948 announced a strike over contract negotiations that have gone on for six months. The district again Sept. 3 as the strike continued. 

The union represents roughly 1,400 paraprofessionals, bus drivers, security guards, maintenance workers and other staff. Members of the teachers union are and .

鈥淭he board and I had hoped that delaying school for a week would have allowed the district and the [union] bargaining teams time to reach an agreement without further disruption to families,鈥� Superintendent Christine Moloney wrote in an Aug. 31 . 鈥淭he [union] could opt to work under the previous agreement, which the terms of the contract allow for a full year. However, union leaders have opted to continue their strike.鈥�

鈥淲e are not stretching this out 鈥� you are,鈥� union President Mindy Troffer-Cooper said at an Aug. 26 school board . 鈥淭his job is not sustainable for many, so they work multiple jobs. We need help to be able to continue.鈥� 

The Evergreen chapter isn鈥檛 the only union whose negotiations went down to the wire before classes began this year. In June, the Philadelphia Federation of Teachers voted if both parties didn鈥檛 agree on a contract before the first day of school Aug. 25. An agreement was reached hours before students returned to the classroom. 

The Mead Education Association, which represents more than 600 teachers in Mead, Washington, voted to if an agreement wasn鈥檛 reached by midnight Aug. 31 鈥� two days before the first day of school. The union and district that day.

鈥淲e know the uncertainty of the last couple of days has been stressful for many, and we鈥檙e thankful to have avoided a delayed start to the school year,鈥� Superintendent Travis Hanson wrote in an Aug. 31 parent .

On Tuesday, 1,800 teachers, paraprofessionals, counselors and other school staff in Romeoville, Illinois, submitted their 10-day strike notice. Union President Jared Ploger said in a that school day schedules and compensation are the top issues being negotiated. The earliest date for a strike is Sept. 15.

The Evergreen union has low wages, lack of retention policies and unpaid work hours as core issues during contract negotiations that began in March.

While the salary increases of between 2.5% to 4.5% for this school year, Troffer-Cooper said at the school board meeting that they won’t add up to a living wage. 

If the district鈥檚 current contract proposal were accepted, a paraprofessional with five years of experience would earn a salary of $32,707, according to its . A bus driver with five years’ experience would receive $39,661.

More than a third of educational support employees hold more than one job, according to a 2024 National Education Association . About 90% rate low pay as a moderate or serious concern.

Members of the Evergreen Education Association, which represents 1,700 teachers in the district, while classes were delayed last week. The union conducted a week-long strike in 2023, according to the .

鈥淓vergreen Education Association supports PSE Classified in their negotiations for a fair contract,鈥� the teachers union said in a Facebook .

George Dockins, executive director of the Public School Employees of Washington, also expressed support for the union on . He said in a Facebook video that members are 鈥渟houlder to shoulder demanding respect and fair pay鈥� and are 鈥渞aising the bar for every education support professional in Washington.鈥�

鈥淓vergreen, we see you, we stand with you, and together, as one union family, we will win,鈥� he said.

The is currently negotiating its first contract with the 180,000-student Virginia district. It鈥檚 one of four school administrators unions that recently formed in the state, following the lifting of a nearly . And Virginia is not alone.

Similar law changes, coupled with revisions to school policies post-COVID, have fueled an increase in the number of school administrators unions and contract negotiations nationwide.

Since 2020, 11 new union locals have joined the , which now represents some 25,000 school and district leaders in 150 chapters across the country, said communications director Scott Treibitz. The new locals are in Denver; Portland, Oregon; Seattle; San Diego; Rochester, Minnesota; Imperial Beach, California; Frisco, Colorado; Chula Vista, California; St. Louis, Missouri; and Chester, Pennsylvania, as well as Fairfax.

Other unions, like the , have existed for decades but recently negotiated their first contracts.

Litz, who helped create the 1,400-member Fairfax County administrators union after the state law changed, has managed contract negotiations since April.

鈥淚t’s been really eye-opening for me, and over the past two or three years, I鈥檝e actually become pretty passionate about ensuring that working conditions exist so that we can really do our best work for kids,鈥� he said. 鈥淚t has been a lot of hard work, but it has been good work.鈥�

Administrators unions have seen 鈥渁 huge growth spurt since the pandemic,鈥� Treibitz said. The federation’s membership was roughly 20,000 in 2020 and has grown by about 5,000, he said.

鈥淪ince COVID, there has been a foot on the [gas] pedal of school administrators to organize, and COVID played a key ingredient in that,鈥� he said. 鈥淪chool districts were changing policies, and in order to operate, they had to negotiate with teachers unions, and any other work that had to happen was dumped on principals, assistant principals and all the central office folks.鈥�

The was and approved a collective bargaining agreement last year. The three-year contract includes a 4.5% cost-of-living adjustment, administrator stipends, $1,000 retention bonuses and a working group on school and leader safety, according to . 

In Minnesota, the became the state鈥檚 , in 2022. The union approved a in 2024 that includes roughly a 3.5% raise each year.

The Fairfax County administrators union was founded as a federation affiliate in 2023, after the allowed local governments to grant employee unions collective bargaining rights. The district鈥檚 teachers unions have existed for decades and were able to negotiate contracts after the law changed, but the administrators union had to be created from scratch.

In 2023, about 24% of elementary and secondary school administrators were union members, according to the . Nearly 70% of teachers were in a union in the 2020-21 school year, the latest data available from shows. On average, unionized school leaders earned roughly $500 more per week than their non-union counterparts.

The was a professional membership organization for years but was able to collectively bargain after legislation to allow the practice was signed .

鈥淔or the first time, Chicago school leaders have a guaranteed, enforceable voice in policies that directly affect their schools and students,鈥� said union President Kia Banks in a press release. 鈥淥ver the years, principals were often made the face of policies they didn鈥檛 support, left to manage failing systems and even targeted with retaliation. Many felt isolated in their roles and unappreciated in their communities, factors that negatively impacted schools.鈥�

The 鈥� which still has to be approved by members and the school board 鈥� includes a retroactive 4% cost-of-living increase for the 2024-25 school year and baseline raises for the coming school year. It also creates more due-process protections for principals who face disciplinary actions.

Lack of voice and pay raises also fueled other administrator unions’ recent contract negotiations.

The is asking for higher pay to offset . It also wants more compensation for additional assigned duties and flexible scheduling when staff are required to stay after hours to address student mental health. In December, the group organized under the umbrella of the Teamsters union after they said their voices went unheard, according to the .

鈥淎dministrators remain undervalued and underpaid. Many are working 60-plus hours a week, sacrificing work-life balance and mental health, without the recognition or compensation they deserve,鈥� union President Maria Nichols wrote in an August member . 鈥淭his is not sustainable. How is it that teachers receive an hourly rate for work beyond their contracted day, while administrators 鈥� also salaried employees 鈥� receive nothing?鈥�

In Pittsfield, Massachusetts, administrators at least one hour longer than their teachers each day in exchange for a 3.5% raise, in a contract approved in February. In Maryland, administrators with Prince George鈥檚 County Public Schools landed yearly raises and bonuses of up to $3,000 in a that was ratified by members in April. 

The United Administrators of San Francisco with its district in August. President Anna Klafter said school principals, supervisors and program administrators can earn up to $40,000 a year more in surrounding districts, are being tasked with extra responsibilities such as addressing student medical needs and have fewer support staff. These issues have contributed to a , according to the union. 

鈥淥ur teachers got a really big raise 鈥� which we’re very happy they did 鈥� but while [they] were able to get a 5% raise last year, we were not,鈥� she told 蜜桃影视. 鈥淣ow, we have teachers who are making more than their principals, and we have potential principals and leaders who aren’t willing to go into these roles, because they wouldn’t even be making as much money as they do as teachers.鈥�

The national principal turnover rate declined from a high of 16% right after the pandemic to about 8% in the 2023-24 school year, according to the 2025 . The rate is still higher than pre-pandemic levels, which were roughly 3%.

鈥淧eople don’t necessarily want to leave their jobs,鈥� Treibitz said. 鈥淭hey’re just trying to find mechanisms to help protect them and help make their job a more sturdy job, because the changes are fast and furious.鈥�

Judge Paul Friedman issued a preliminary injunction in a lawsuit filed this spring by the Federal Education Association and Antilles Consolidated Education Association, which represent more than 5,500 teachers, librarians and counselors in the 161 schools under the . The agency educates 67,000 children on military bases worldwide.

The union sued the Trump administration over a March executive order that stripped collective bargaining rights from two-thirds of . The order impacted the Departments of Justice, Defense, Veteran Affairs, Treasury, and Health and Human Services, as well as the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the Environmental Protection Agency.

The Federal Education Association has been negotiating teachers contracts with the Department of Defense since 1970, while the Antilles Consolidated Education Association has bargained on behalf of Puerto Rico educators since 1976, according to the lawsuit. The current collective bargaining agreements for both unions were approved in 2023 and are set to expire in summer 2028.

But since the order was issued, the lawsuit says, the Department of Defense Education Activity has discontinued negotiations, stopped participation in grievance proceedings and prohibited union representation during educator disciplinary meetings. Members are also no longer allowed to conduct union work during the school day. Requests from educators to access a union sick leave bank with 13,000 donated hours have also been ignored, according to the suit.

鈥淭hese actions, taken together, essentially terminate the respective collective bargaining agreements and thus cause irreparable harm,鈥� Friedman said in his decision.

A 1978 federal statute allows collective bargaining in the civil service sector. The suit argued that while presidents have the authority to exclude an agency if its primary function involves intelligence, investigation or national security work, 鈥淢any, if not most, of the agencies and agency subdivisions swept up in the executive order鈥檚 dragnet do little to no national security work, much less do they have a primary function [of] intelligence, counterintelligence, investigative [work].鈥�

The agency declined to comment on ongoing legal proceedings. In a reply to the unions鈥� lawsuit, Trump administration attorneys said the executive order was within the law and that reversing it would be costly.

鈥淩ather than maintaining the status quo, it would force [the Department of Defense] to undo actions it has already taken to implement the executive order, causing significant disruption and resource expenditures,鈥� the lawyers wrote.

In April, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth authorized a few exemptions for agencies related to the Air Force and Army, but not the teachers unions 鈥� despite to exclude the school system.

鈥淓nsuring that DoDEA educators and personnel retain collective bargaining protections will ensure that DoDEA can continue to recruit and retain the best staff in support of its mission,鈥� the congressional members wrote in a letter. 鈥淐ollective bargaining safeguards the public interest, and its history in DoDEA has demonstrated better outcomes for mission readiness, and stronger connections between military-connected families and those who serve them.鈥�

An appeal from the Trump administration is pending. A similar lawsuit from six unions, including the American Federation of Government Employees, resulted in an injunction, but a in August.

Since 2022, when the Supreme Court allowed Maine private schools to receive public funds, at least five lawsuits have been filed by teachers unions, in Wyoming, Utah, Montana, Missouri and South Carolina. Additional legal challenges have been mounted by advocacy groups and parent organizations.

The Supreme Court’s Carson v. Makin ruling, combined with growing interest among parents in post-COVID, has fueled the rise of voucher programs and led to a tug-of-war in state courts between public educators and school choice advocates. 

Heading into the 2025 legislative session, at least 33 states had some form of private school choice, according to the Georgetown University think tank . Most union lawsuits have focused on , in which public dollars pay for children to attend private schools 鈥�  including religious schools 鈥� and cover other education-related expenses such as homeschooling.

In Wyoming and Utah, judges ruled in favor of the unions 鈥� at least for now. In South Carolina, the program was retooled after a court declared its previous version unconstitutional.

The Wyoming Education Association, which represents roughly 6,000 public school teachers, landed a win in July after District Court Judge Peter Froelicher granted against the state鈥檚 universal voucher program. The union and nine parents had sued the state in June on grounds that the is unconstitutional because it violates a state regulation that it must provide a 鈥渦niform system of public instruction.鈥� 

The union decided to sue after lawmakers made the voucher program universal this spring. It was originally created with a family income cap of 250% of the federal poverty level.

鈥淣o income guidelines, in essence, means that you could be someone in Jackson who owns an $18 million property, and the state’s giving you money,鈥� said union President Kim Amen. 鈥淥ur constitution clearly says that we cannot give public money to private entities, so that’s why we challenged that.鈥�

The injunction temporarily stops the distribution of 鈥� which are funded from a state appropriation of $30 million 鈥� until the court determines the program鈥檚 constitutionality. The state has since filed an appeal to the Wyoming Supreme Court.

鈥淚 am disheartened at the court鈥檚 written order granting the WEA鈥檚 injunction. As one of nearly 4,000 Wyoming families, you have had your lives unnecessarily upended through no fault of your own,鈥� Megan Degenfelder, state superintendent of public instruction, wrote in to parents. 

The case is similar to the one in Utah, where a judge ruled a $100 million voucher program unconstitutional in April, following a lawsuit by the state teachers union.

The Utah Education Association last year, arguing the Utah Fits All Scholarship Program violates the state constitution by diverting tax money to private schools that aren鈥檛 free, open to all students and supervised by the state board of education. The Utah Supreme Court is set to later this year.

Lawsuits in other states are still working their way through the courts.

In July, the Montana Federation of Public Employees, which represents the state鈥檚 public school teachers, challenging the constitutionality of the statewide voucher program that funds private education expenses for special education students. 

鈥淓ven voucher programs like [this one] that are targeted to students with disabilities deprive them of crucial legal protections and educational resources,鈥� the plaintiffs said in a .

In Missouri, the state teachers union is over the , which started as a tax credit scholarship in 2021. It currently relies on nonprofits to collect donations that are turned into scholarships. Donors can receive a tax credit amounting to 100% of their contribution, but it can鈥檛 exceed more than half of their state tax liability. 

This year, Missouri Gov. Mike Kehoe dedicated $50 million in taxpayer dollars for the scholarships and $1 million for program marketing, according to the suit. The Missouri National Education Association, which has 28,000 members, sued in June in an effort to block the appropriation.

鈥淭he General Assembly has far overstepped its authority and violated five provisions of the Missouri Constitution by using an appropriations bill to construct out of whole cloth a scheme to divert general revenues to what are essentially vouchers for the payment of private school tuition for elementary and secondary school students,鈥� wrote Loretta Haggard, the union鈥檚 attorney, in the suit.

On July 30, 鈥� part of a national nonprofit that advocates for school choice 鈥� filed a motion to join the suit as defendants. Thomas Fisher, litigation director, said in a that the program helps Missouri families afford an education that fits their children鈥檚 needs. 

鈥淭he recent expansion of the program is constitutional and will expand education freedom for low-income families and students with learning differences,鈥� he said.

In South Carolina, the ruled in 2024 that its Education Trust Fund Scholarship Program was unconstitutional following a lawsuit from the state teachers union, parents and the NAACP. The program resumed this year after to funnel money from the lottery system instead of the general fund. 

Unions have also been involved in school choice lawsuits in and . In 2023, National Education Association Alaska over a state system that sent cash payments to the parents of homeschool students. That same year, Wisconsin鈥檚 largest teachers union asked the state Supreme Court to hear its case challenging the constitutionality of the statewide voucher program, but the .

Mariely Sanchez spent the last school year using generative artificial intelligence nearly every day in her classroom.

The Miami fourth-grade teacher began each morning by asking a chatbot 鈥� teachers in Miami-Dade have access not only to ChatGPT, but to Google鈥檚 Gemini and Microsoft鈥檚 Co-Pilot 鈥� to comb through Florida state standards and create reading passages for students. She鈥檇 also ask the AI to produce multiple-choice and short-response quizzes to test how well students understood the reading. 

The assignments, she said, weren鈥檛 easy for students. She built them by using 鈥渄ifficult standards that students need more practice with鈥� and prompting the AI to create materials.

Sanchez is spending her summer break learning more about AI, including its ethics, and helping colleagues do the same, warning:

That effort got a big boost earlier last month, when the American Federation of Teachers that it would open an AI training center for educators in New York City, with $23 million in funding from OpenAI, Anthropic and Microsoft, three of the leading players in the generative AI marketplace.

AFT says it鈥檒l open the National Academy for AI Instruction in Manhattan this fall, offering hands-on workshops for teachers. Over five years, it said, the academy will train 400,000 educators, or one in 10 U.S. teachers, effectively reaching the more than 7.2 million students they teach. 

When she announced the academy in early July, AFT President Randi Weingarten said teachers face 鈥渉uge challenges,鈥� including navigating AI wisely, ethically and safely. 鈥淭he question was whether we would be chasing it 鈥� or whether we would be trying to harness it.鈥�

鈥業t鈥檚 the Wild West鈥�

AFT, the nation鈥檚 second largest teachers鈥� union, envisions the academy working much like those that train carpenters, electricians and construction workers,鈥渨here the companies, where the corporations actually come to the union to create the kind of standards that are needed鈥� for success, Weingarten said. 

Microsoft, for example, has said it plans to give more than $4 billion in cash and technology services to train millions of people to use AI, underwriting efforts at schools, community colleges, technical colleges and nonprofits. The tech giant already boasts an AI to train members of the larger AFL-CIO labor union, of which AFT is a member. And it鈥檚 creating a new training program, , to help 20 million people earn certificates in AI.

Rob Weil 鈥� AFT鈥檚 director of research, policy and field programs 鈥� said the new academy will bring high-quality training to a profession that so far has seen uneven opportunity for it.

鈥淚t’s the Wild West,鈥� he said in an interview during a training session at the union鈥檚 annual conference in July. 鈥淚t’s all over the place. You have some school districts that are out front, and they’re doing a lot of pretty good work.鈥� But others are banning AI or simply ignoring it, he said, leaving teachers to fend for themselves at a time when students need them perhaps more than ever.

鈥淲e have to make our instruction better. We have to be better on engagement. We have a crisis of engagement in our schools, and these tools can help with that.鈥�

AFT鈥檚 move has been met with equal parts cautious optimism and weary skepticism.

Writing in her , ed-tech critic and AI skeptic Audrey Watters called  AFT鈥檚 partnership with the tech companies 鈥渁 gigantic public experiment that no one has asked for.”

Unions, she wrote, 鈥渟hould be one of the ways in which workers resist, rather than acquiesce to 鈥� the tech industry’s vision of the future.鈥� By joining forces with big tech, she said, AFT is implicitly endorsing its products. 鈥淭eaching teachers how to use a suite of Microsoft tools does not help students as much as it helps Microsoft. Teaching teachers how to use a suite of Microsoft tools is not so much an 鈥榓cademy鈥� as a storefront.”

Benjamin Riley, who has also about generative AI in education, said observers should 鈥�100% worry鈥� that the new partnerships represent a play for market share. 

鈥淚t’s very obvious from a product standpoint that they see education as one of, if not the primary, place to go with their product,鈥� said Riley. 鈥淎nd the fact that AFT is willing to say, ‘Cool, let’s get some of that money and we’ll build a training center to help teachers use it,’ I can see why OpenAI would jump all over that.鈥�

But he questioned whether AI training is what AFT members really want. He suggested instead that the union should recommit to helping teachers more deeply understand how learning works. 鈥淭hey haven’t been opposed to it,鈥� he said, noting that it has long run an 鈥溾�� column in the magazine it mails to members. 鈥淏ut in reality it just hasn’t been a priority. Improving pedagogy hasn’t really been, to my eyes, a union priority for a long time.鈥�

Riley, who in 2024 founded the think tank to explore AI issues, said an organization like AFT should ideally be thinking about whether embracing AI will lead to better outcomes for children 鈥� or whether it could 鈥減otentially erode and devalue the work of human teaching鈥� while opening up schools as customers for AI companies. 

Representatives of OpenAI and Anthropic did not immediately respond to requests for comment, but in an email, Microsoft鈥檚 Naria Santa Lucia said, 鈥淭his isn鈥檛 about Microsoft鈥檚 technology, our focus is on making AI broadly accessible, so everyone has a fair shot at the future. If we collectively get this right, AI becomes a bridge to opportunity 鈥� not a barrier.鈥�

During the academy鈥檚 unveiling, Chris Lehane, OpenAI鈥檚 chief global affairs officer, said AI technology 鈥渋s coming 鈥� it is going to drive productivity gains. Can we ensure that those productivity gains are democratized so as many people as possible participate in them? And there is no better place to begin that work than in the classroom.鈥�

OpenAI has noted that many of its users are students. In February, it said that of college-aged young adults in the U.S. use ChatGPT, with one in four of their queries related to learning and school work.

While a few observers said the tech giants are making a play for market share among the nation’s K-12 students, they noted that the companies are also filling an important role. 

鈥淚t’s welcome news that technology companies are bidding against each other 鈥� to outdo each other 鈥� to invest in public education,鈥� said Zarek Drozda, executive director of , a coalition of groups advancing data science education. 鈥淚 think that’s exciting at a time when federal investment in education is uncertain. Seeing industry step up is quite meaningful.鈥�

But he said he鈥檚 concerned that the training might stop short after teaching teachers 鈥� and by extension students 鈥� simply how to use AI. 鈥淭raining needs to go beyond use,鈥� he said. 鈥淚f we want to train a generation of students to be AI-ready, internationally competitive, they have to understand how these tools work under the hood, when and why the tool might be wrong, and how they can customize LLMs [Large Language Models] or other models for their own pursuits, versus simply taking what’s given.鈥�

He鈥檚 also concerned that the AFT has laid out a vision spanning just five years. 鈥淲e want there to be a deep investment in upskilling teachers for the skills that they will need to adapt to, not just AI, but what is the AI model five years from now?鈥� he said. 鈥淲hat is the next emerging technology that the field should be ready to adapt to?鈥�

More than just a commitment to training, Drozda said, the union and its partners should commit to a long-term sustainability plan for teacher training to attract new, young career professionals to the field.

Alex Kotran, founder and CEO of the , agreed that investing in teacher training is worthwhile. 鈥淭hat’s a very big rock that needs to be moved.鈥� But the reported $23 million commitment from the three tech giants 鈥渋s a bit of a drop in the bucket鈥� considering their valuations, 鈥渟ymbolic at best.鈥�

That said, AFT鈥檚 involvement could make the training more palatable for many school district leaders, he noted, since one of the uncertainties in training efforts typically is whether unions will allow members to attend under contract rules. By taking the lead in developing the training academy, 鈥渢he unions have planted a flag and said, 鈥楶D [professional development] is important.鈥欌��

All the same, tech companies are in the business of selling their products, making them imperfect messengers for AI literacy, he said. 鈥淭hey’re deeply incentivized on one side, and it isn’t necessarily for the benefit of students.鈥� 

Other industry watchers fear the partnership could be viewed as a high-profile bid for market share at a critical time in the AI industry鈥檚 history. 

鈥淭his is a land-grab moment,鈥� said Alex Sarlin, co-host of the podcast. 鈥淚 mean, this technology is only three years old. There are already three or four major players in it, if you don’t count China, and they all want to be the one left standing.鈥�

For its part, Google has said its suite of Gemini educational AI tools would for free to all educators with Google Workspace for Education accounts.

While it was the only major player not included in the AFT announcement, Sarlin said Google is, in some ways, 鈥減laying the incumbent in this because in K-12, they’re already there.鈥� Given the dominance of Chromebook laptops, the management tool and its programs, the search giant is 鈥渆mbedded in K-12,鈥� he said. 鈥淥pen AI and Anthropic, they’re basically consumer products that are being used by teachers.鈥�

鈥極h yeah, what could go wrong?鈥�

Matt Miller, an Indiana high school Spanish teacher, educational consultant and for teachers, said his colleagues are hungry for high-quality, classroom-tested training, but that what they often get from AI companies is over-the-top talk about 鈥渉ow much the world is going to change and how we’re revolutionizing education,鈥� with promises to help teachers work more efficiently.

Trainings typically skim over the fact that most students are simply using generative AI for 鈥渃ognitive offloading,鈥� Miller said, avoiding critical thinking and skill development  鈥渁nd letting AI do it for them.鈥� Many teachers, meanwhile, are searching for ways to 鈥淎I-proof鈥� their classrooms. 

The sessions typically all end the same way, he said: 鈥淚t all sort of funnels back to their product.鈥� 

Miller, whose latest book, in 2023, was , said the AFT/OpenAI/Anthropic partnership 鈥渟cares the crap out of me.鈥�

鈥淲henever you get that marriage between an organization and big companies, we just keep asking ourselves, 鈥極h, yeah, what could go wrong?鈥欌��

Money means influence, Miller said, so will the curriculum be 鈥渢ool-agnostic? Is it going to be about the technology? Is it going to be about pedagogy? Or is it going to be a customized tutorial of how you can use our tool to do X, Y and Z?鈥�

AFT鈥檚 Weil said those concerns are understandable but short-sighted. AI developers, he said, 鈥渄on’t get to engage with us if you’re not going to be agnostic about the tools.鈥� The academy鈥檚 directors talk openly to the developers 鈥渁bout how we have to have a practical, real relationship. This can’t be about product selling.鈥�

More broadly, the partnerships are a way to exert influence upon how AI operates in schools and classrooms.

During the academy鈥檚 unveiling, Weingarten said its lessons will be 鈥渁s open-source as possible,鈥� not just for the union鈥檚 1.8 million members but more broadly through its free platform.

For his part, Weil said AI is 鈥渘ot going to go away. Nobody’s going to put AI back in the bottle. It’s here. The young people, for them to be successful in their jobs in the future, are going to have to know how to effectively and efficiently and safely use these tools. So why wouldn’t the education system help with that process?鈥�

That鈥檚 likely the message that union leaders have been getting from members, said Sarlin, the podcast co-host. 鈥淭here was probably a moment a couple years ago where they were sort of teetering, where they could have gone anti-AI,鈥� he said. 鈥淏ut I think at this point that’s not where the puck is headed.鈥�

Education Minnesota, the state鈥檚 largest union representing more than 86,000 members, elected its first Black president on Saturday.

Monica Byron ran unopposed to replace Denise Specht, who led the union since 2013. Byron started her career as a homeschool liaison for the Richfield Public Schools in 1995 before earning her teaching license. She taught elementary school in Richfield for 24 years, most recently as a math coach. In 2022, she left her teaching job when she was elected vice president of Education Minnesota.

Bryon takes over one of the state鈥檚 most influential unions at a critical juncture for public schools. More than 8 in 10 schools report having a shortage of teachers, and the union wants to increase pay to fill the ranks. But a looming budget deficit is tying the hands of state lawmakers who might otherwise support robust increases in school funding. At the federal level, the Trump administration has threatened to eliminate the Department of Education while also attacking unions.

This conversation was edited for length and clarity. 

Why did you run for president of the union?

I ran for president because I believe in the power of our union and to protect and strengthen things that matter most, like professional pay, secure pensions, affordable health care and respect for all of our educators.

You are the first Black president of Education Minnesota. What does that mean for your union and also organized labor in Minnesota?

I am really proud and honored to be the first Black president of Education Minnesota. I believe that I鈥檓 able to bring a unique and fresh perspective and voice to not only Education Minnesota but to the labor movement. I鈥檒l be able to advocate not only for educators, but for our students and our community. And I鈥檒l be able to ensure that all educators, but especially our educators of color, will have a voice.

The Trump administration has vowed to close the Department of Education and has threatened to withhold funding from schools with diversity programs, which was recently blocked by judges. What do you see as Education Minnesota鈥檚 role in responding to the Trump administration?

Education Minnesota has been publicly defending against the attacks on diversity, equity, inclusion and the other attacks from Washington, D.C. We are going to ensure that we have freedom to read. We鈥檙e going to make sure our history isn鈥檛 whitewashed. We鈥檙e just going to make sure that our students and our educators are able to teach and do all the things that they need to do.

What do you see as the biggest threats facing teachers and the union at this moment?

Right now, I think it鈥檚 just been the chaos and the executive orders coming. We have great partners though, from our national allies and our other labor allies. I think it鈥檚 just the unknown and the threats to the unions as a whole. But we are positioned well to be able to respond.

In 2024, just 28% of 8th graders rated proficient at reading, which is the lowest on record for the nationwide benchmark. In math, students鈥� abilities seem to be just as dire. I鈥檓 curious why you think teachers aren鈥檛 able to equip students with these basic skills of reading and math.

For me, the question is what resources and what other things our educators need. I believe that we need to ensure that all educators are equipped with those resources. They have the time to be able to teach and that we ensure that when it comes to class sizes, those teachers are able to reach each of those students.

Gov. Tim Walz, former teacher and union member, ran on being an education governor. Could you give him a grade on his tenure?

Education Minnesota has worked closely with Gov. Walz. President Specht is in charge when it comes to working with Gov. Walz. So as vice president, I鈥檝e been able to watch and follow her lead. So I don鈥檛 have a grade at this time.

What are Education Minnesota鈥檚 top priorities at the Legislature this year?

Right now, our top priorities have been around professional pay, which includes a starting pay for our entry educators and $25 per hour for our ESPs. We have a pension bill, which would ensure that we have a career rule for our teachers. And we also have a bill around health insurance, so that our educators have quality health insurance. It would start a health insurance pool for our educators across the state. And we also are looking to protect on education that we won last year.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Minnesota Reformer maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor J. Patrick Coolican for questions: info@minnesotareformer.com.

Three union members filed suit in March, just days after the union announced a data breach had occurred on July 6, 2024.

A union investigation into the incident, completed Feb. 18, found that an 鈥渦nauthorized actor鈥� gained access to records like Social Security numbers, bank account numbers, birthdates and taxpayer identification information.

The Rhysida ransomware gang claimed on its dark web site in September that it had carried out the cyberattack.

The union refused to comment on how widespread the attack was, but a data breach tracker maintained by the said 517,487 people were affected.

The suits allege the union failed 鈥渢o properly secure and safeguard private information that was entrusted to them鈥� and that those affected 鈥� including the relatives of members 鈥� will suffer financial losses and lost time detecting and preventing identity theft. 

Educators must provide personal information to the union to receive its benefits, according to the lawsuits. 

The plaintiffs also allege that the union waited too long to announce the data breach. were sent out on March 17, a month after the union鈥檚 investigation was finished.

鈥淲e took steps, to the best of our ability and knowledge, to ensure that the data taken by the unauthorized actor was deleted,鈥� the union said in the notification letter.

The attack occurred on computer systems that needed security upgrades, the lawsuits allege. Two of the plaintiffs have reportedly experienced increased numbers of spam calls and emails.

鈥淸The union] failed to properly monitor the computer network and systems that housed the private information,鈥� one lawsuit says. 鈥淗ad [the union] properly monitored its computer network and systems, it would have discovered the massive intrusion sooner rather than allowing cybercriminals almost a month of unimpeded access.鈥�

The union, which represents 178,000 members, said in a previous statement that it isn鈥檛 aware of identity theft connected to the breach. It did not respond to a request for comment from 蜜桃影视 about the lawsuits.

The plaintiffs are seeking compensatory damages and want the court to order the union to pay for at least 10 years of credit monitoring services for those affected. Motions were filed in a Pennsylvania district court Tuesday to consolidate the lawsuits into one class-action case.

Members of the Chicago Teachers Union House of Delegates voted to approve a tentative contract Wednesday, the first time the union has negotiated an agreement without a strike vote in more than 15 years.

The deal will be sent for ratification next week to 30,000 union educators. If the rank-and-file members approve the contract, final vote from the Chicago Board of Education will still be needed.

In-person paper ballot voting will take place April 10 and 11, with results expected to be announced April 14.

鈥淭his document gives our educators, our paraprofessionals, our clinicians, an opportunity to be co-producers of a better school day in Chicago, a better staff day in Chicago,鈥� Union President Stacy Davis Gates said at a press conference Tuesday. 鈥淭hat is for the impact of our students.鈥�

The grants teachers a 4% retroactive raise for the current school year and4% to 5% salary increases for each of the next three years. Other provisions smaller class sizes for all grade levels, hundreds of more positions like librarians and social workers, increased teacher preparation time and raises for veteran educators.

Elementary school teachers would get 70 minutes of daily preparation time, up from an hour. Veteran teachers with more than 14 years of experience , adding up to a $30 million price tag.

If the agreement is approved, Chicago teachers will be , with an average $110,000 salary by the end of the contract. The base pay for new teachers would start at $64,470 for the 2024-25 school year and increase to $72,520 by 2027-28.

The deal is less expensive than the union鈥檚 original list of demands, such as minimum 9% annual raises, but the current version will cost up to $1.5 billion over the life of the four-year contract. While the district has said it can cover the first year, questions remain about how it will afford payments in future years amid a half-billion-dollar budget deficit.

Last year, district CEO Pedro Martinez and Mayor Brandon Johnson clashed over how to pay for the upcoming agreement as federal COVID aid was about to expire. The conflict led to the October resignation of the entire school board, which had been appointed by Johnson, and the firing of Martinez in December.

Davis Gates said Tuesday that district leaders confirmed they can afford the contract. She said the city council and the mayor鈥檚 office believe that should go to the district to help fund the deal.

鈥淲e think that we have a good coalition of partners that will help us win the necessary funding. This has really been an interesting negotiation where we don’t have people screaming that they cannot pay for it,鈥� Davis Gates said.

When asked how the district plans to pay for the deal, Johnson told , 鈥淲e鈥檒l do it. Just like I came in and I had a half-billion-dollar deficit in my first budget, had a $1 billion deficit in the second budget. We rectified that. We are leading in this moment.鈥�

Teachers and parents at Tuesday鈥檚 press conference pointed to contract changes beyond the pay hike as major wins. 

The agreement would double the number of libraries, librarians and bilingual support staff in the district. It would create 215 more special education case manager positions and increase the number of social workers and nurses.

Emmy Ayala, a Chicago Public Schools parent, said her child鈥檚 elementary school has a library but no librarian. 

鈥淏ecause of the agreement, this will allow more children to develop a love for reading, a love for learning, and [there will be] a third space in their communities to learn and engage and be safe again,鈥� she said.

Union officials said academic freedom, including teaching Black history, would also be protected for the first time. 

鈥淭his tentative agreement makes sure that not only do we provide an education to students that is culturally relevant, but that we also embrace their language, their culture, their identities and everything about them,鈥� said Diane Castro, a preschool teacher and bargaining team member. 鈥淲e will not reduce them.鈥�

On , the state鈥檚 largest teachers union about a security data breach that occurred July 6, 2024. An investigation into the incident, completed Feb. 18, found that sensitive personal information was acquired by an 鈥渦nauthorized actor鈥� who accessed files on the union鈥檚 network, according to the letter.

The letter said people’s names were revealed, along with birthdates, user names and passwords, Social Security numbers, payment information, passport numbers, taxpayer identification and bank account numbers, and health insurance and medical information.

The union refused to comment on how widespread the attack was, but a data breach tracker maintained by the said 517,487 people were affected.

鈥淲e took steps, to the best of our ability and knowledge, to ensure that the data taken by the unauthorized actor was deleted,鈥� the union said in the notification letter.

The Rhysida ransomware gang claimed on its dark web site in September that it had carried out a cyberattack on the union. In 2023 and 2024, the same group claimed data thefts of sensitive documents from school districts in Maryland, Texas, New Jersey and Tennessee.

The union, which represents 178,000 members, said in an email statement that it isn鈥檛 aware of identity theft connected to the breach.

鈥淎s soon as we became aware of this incident, we engaged cybersecurity professionals with expertise in these occurrences,鈥� the union told 蜜桃影视. 鈥淲e are complying with all legal and regulatory requirements, and are providing credit monitoring for eligible individuals who were impacted by this incident.鈥�

Less than a year into her role as president of the , the former community schools administrator in December with the . 

Nichols said the move was aimed at strengthening the AALA鈥檚 bargaining power ahead of its contract negotiations with LAUSD this spring. 

AALA is the official bargaining unit for middle-level administrators in LAUSD, including the district鈥檚 elementary and secondary principals. 

Nichols said each day her members face rising workloads, budget cuts, and threats to their safety. As a four-decade veteran of LAUSD, she knows those issues firsthand. 

鈥淔or me, it’s about changing a system,鈥� Nichols said of working with the district. 鈥淏ecause the people are not the problem.鈥�

Perhaps it鈥檚 respect for the system that鈥檚 led Nichols to join the AALA with the Teamsters. She said the district has already made concessions to the AALA since the change. 

This conversation has been edited for length and clarity. 

Can you tell me more about the issues facing principals and administrators鈥� workload in LAUSD?

We represent the ability to bargain the effects of district action, whether it is positive or negative for the membership.

We鈥檙e now in the third year of superintendent Alberto Carvalho鈥檚 strategic plan, and many initiatives have been pushed out, especially at the school site or with directors and operations coordinators who supervise school sites. 

However, now, when a new initiative is introduced, the district has the responsibility to meet and bargain with us. In previous cases, that was not the case.

For example, the district required five classroom observations and formal visits per week with written feedback for every administrator at each school site. 

If you had a principal, an assistant principal, or an assistant principal for special education鈥攁nd in the bigger high schools, two or three principals鈥攅verybody had to participate in five classroom observations and then input their informal observations.

When you add 40 minutes times five, that’s an additional 200 minutes to your workload.

It wasn’t until we affiliated with Teamsters in December and submitted a demand-to-bargain letter that we basically agreed that the intent wasn’t about quotas, and that there was a lack of cohesion in implementation. Therefore, the quotas have been lifted, which is a huge win for us right now.

Why Teamsters, and why now?

When I first took on the role, I proceeded to run on three pillars.

One of them being a transformational leader. I was very aware of the conditions out there because I was in the field. I proceeded to try to build communication systems and collaborative structures with our district. But two months in, I was getting nowhere with the district.

So, in early September,  I shared my concerns and urgency with my staff because this year is a negotiating year for us. We have an urgency to try to get the best contract, and I knew that the language of the contract mattered.

I brought up the possibility of meeting with other unions to see if we could affiliate and become bigger. I knew that unions were about solidarity and power, and power means numbers and strength. Teamsters came, and they brought their whole team. All of a sudden, we had this team that could support our work, especially the legal part. We continue to have the AALA model, which is one vision and one voice together, but since affiliating, we’ve begun to bring immediate relief at the hands of our brothers and sisters.

How has budgeting played out as an issue for members of your union?

Budget development is happening right now. For example, I’m hearing from my members that they are reporting getting less psychiatric social work time, less school psychology time, less allocation for assistant principals鈥損ositions that support programs and special education. Last year, the district did away with 400 assistant principal positions. That was another area that really created urgency, that the district was doing this to us. That could have also been an area to bargain because the effects of not having an assistant principal could have been bargained. 

If the positions are being cut in half or more, that’s a great concern. In LAUSD, we rely on human capital to do the human work, and those positions right now are being slashed in addition to having less money.

Campus safety is a crucial responsibility for principals, particularly in collaboration with law enforcement partners. How does that play into the upcoming bargaining period?

Since 2020, school police have almost been completely taken out of the district, leaving very few coming back from COVID. Crimes have increased tremendously, including physical fights, guns at schools, etcetera. Safety is a huge concern.

The district talks a lot about keeping students safe, keeping employees safe, but the resources that we currently have are limited. The district implements a positive behavior support system. The district implements it for students’ progressive discipline, which is good, but for the more difficult cases, the district has these diversion tickets that kids get, and they don’t have any weight or teeth.

We want to be mindful of the students we serve and the populations and demographics they belong to, but the current systems are not enough.

This article is part of a collaboration between 蜜桃影视 and the USC Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism.

For several weeks in February 2011, she was one of tens of thousands of demonstrators who packed the Wisconsin state capitol to protest against legislation that aimed to shut down collective bargaining for public employees. One night, caught amid a swell of activists belting the civil rights anthem 鈥淲e Shall Overcome,鈥� she suddenly noticed that she was standing a few feet from Jesse Jackson, who had traveled to Madison to spur resistance to the Republican-led bill.

To Bazan, a social studies teacher in the nearby town of Deerfield, it seemed that she was living through one of the historic scenes she often described to her high school students. Though the GOP had won in the previous fall鈥檚 elections, capturing both chambers of the state legislature and electing the ambitious conservative Scott Walker as governor, the fight wasn鈥檛 over. Marching in solidarity with progressive heavyweights like Jackson, and with the eyes of the labor movement on Wisconsin, she and her colleagues could still prevail in the struggle to keep their hard-won rights. 

鈥淵ou could see the Democratic legislators waving to us from the windows of their offices,鈥� she recalled. 鈥淲e really believed that we weren’t alone anymore, that these people were in it with us, and that it might force the legislature to back down.鈥�

But Walker and his allies didn鈥檛 fold. 

Instead, after another month of political theatrics, they enacted , better known to history as Act 10. Its passage was a staggering setback for labor, stripping public-sector unions鈥� with notable exceptions, such as police officers and firefighters 鈥� of virtually all bargaining powers. 

Before the crowds dispersed, the bill had already started to reshape the K鈥�12 landscape in Wisconsin, both by shoring up district finances and straitjacketing unions鈥� political sway. While Walker ultimately lost the governorship in 2018, his signature accomplishment stands as a model for conservative governance in a purple state.

After a major judicial ruling last year, however, it is unclear whether Act 10 will stand at all for much longer. In December, a state circuit judge the law鈥檚 constraints on collective bargaining, declaring the exemptions for first responders a violation of Wisconsin鈥檚 equal protection doctrine. Even with pending an eventual appeal to the state Supreme Court, some political observers are weighing the potential of a massive shift in state policy.

Fourteen years under the Act 10 regime have cast ripples across much of Wisconsin. Overall teacher compensation has fallen substantially, to cash-strapped districts. Academic research has found that the weakening of workplace rights freed up school systems to change the way they structure pay, rewarding the best instructors while simultaneously lifting student achievement higher.

But as top performers found new opportunities, new divisions opened up among districts and even genders, with male employees often receiving higher salaries than their female coworkers. Solidarity continued to dissolve as formerly mighty unions lost members and prestige. And a lingering hurt still hangs over many Wisconsin teachers, who feel that the Republican triumph was built on their misery. 

Disheartened by what she described as an increasingly hardline stance from her school board, Bazan soon moved to another district. 鈥淭hey have a union on paper, but it has no power,” she said.

The restoration of their power would be a cause for immense celebration, even as most experts agree that some of the changes to education spending and teacher influence likely cannot be altered. Alan Borsuk, a senior fellow in public policy at Marquette University Law School, said that while teachers had largely 鈥渓earned to live with鈥� the changes to their bottom line, the blow to their esteem remained.

鈥淚n some ways, the biggest impact of Act 10 was what it did, intangibly, to the teaching field,鈥� he said. 鈥淪o much hostility to teachers came out during that time, and the damage to teacher morale continues to this day. It just hasn’t been a cheerful profession for a lot of people.鈥�

***

The shock delivered to teachers resulted primarily from a rollback of union strength that could only be called historic. As the first state to allow public employees to organize, bargain, and strike, a revolution in workers鈥� rights a half-century before Act 10; in its wake, that mass movement suffered its worst defeat in a half-century.

After the expiration of the collective bargaining agreements (CBAs) that were in effect when the law was signed, unions were forbidden to negotiate over fringe benefits or working conditions. Though they retained the right to negotiate salaries, they could not secure raises that outpaced inflation in a given year. Further, teachers would be required to make to their own pensions and benefits, overturning generous perks that had been won at the bargaining table years earlier. Finally, organizing itself was made harder by for unions to hold recertification votes each year to remain active. 

Kim Kohlhaas was then in her 15th year as an elementary educator in Superior,, a lakefront city near the border with Minnesota. She described the time she spent there before the adoption of Act 10 as a 鈥渄ream job,鈥� but the impact of the change made itself felt within months.

鈥淥ur contract was 28 pages long,鈥� said Kohlhaas, who now serves as the head of the American Federation of Teachers鈥� Wisconsin affiliate. 鈥淚t became one page, and that was just recognizing that we existed.”

No longer obliged to deal with unions like the AFT over regular salary increases, school districts were responding to their newfound freedom exactly as Walker had intended. Some kept their existing salary schedules more or less intact, with merit pay schemes that who attained additional professional credentials or earned high grades in the state鈥檚 teacher rating metric. 

The effects, detailed in a series of studies conducted by Yale economist Barbara Biasi, have largely been promising. 

In , Biasi compared Wisconsin districts that moved toward a flexible pay model with those that continued setting compensation on the basis of seniority, as had largely been the practice before Act 10. Collecting both statewide salary records and data on teacher value added (a measure of effectiveness that reflects students鈥� improvement in standardized test scores), she found that highly successful teachers in 鈥渟eniority-pay鈥� districts tended to find new positions in communities offering some form of merit pay, meaningfully increasing both average teacher quality and student scores in those places. 

According to Biasi鈥檚 estimates, the value-added of those job-movers was 60% higher than their counterparts who chose to leave their districts after the adoption of flexible pay structures. In addition, some proportion of relatively lower-performing teachers simply stopped teaching in public schools, whether to leave the profession entirely or to work in private institutions.

In circulated this spring, Biasi extended her findings up to 2016, five years after Republicans pushed the reform through. In the years prior to 2011, she found, seniority was practically the only factor determining teacher pay: A professional over 57 years old earned, on average, 88% more than one who was 24 years old. But after the pre-Act 10 contracts expired, those career veterans earned slightly less than they previously had, only making 73% more than their most junior colleagues.

As the gap between older and younger educators flattened, student achievement 鈥� especially for children from low-income families 鈥� saw a significant bump throughout the state, with standardized test scores climbing higher statewide each additional year after Act 10 was passed. 

Biasi observed that no district has switched to a fully pay-for-performance system, in part because superintendents and principals do not typically have access to value-added statistics themselves. Instead, they were taking advantage of the autonomy around pay to favor employees whom they saw as working harder and more capably to boost learning. 

鈥淭hey’re just using this flexibility to retain teachers that they consider to be better, or at a higher risk of departing for a nearby district, or who are in positions that are particularly difficult to staff,” she said.

***

Academic improvements like those revealed in Biasi鈥檚 research would be welcome anywhere. But even among its Republican supporters, Act 10 was not principally sold as a policy to improve schools.

Instead, it was seen as a way of heading off fiscal calamity. Like many states during the Great Recession, Wisconsin faced a large revenue shortfall in early 2011. When he took office, Walker vowed to close the structural deficit, that local governments 鈥渄on鈥檛 have anything to offer.鈥� Either Act 10 would be approved by lawmakers, or thousands of state employees had to be laid off. 

Nearly a decade and a half later, the budgetary picture is much brighter, with the state . After a dip during the financial crisis, Wisconsin has finished in the black every year since, with its total debt recently falling to its lowest level since the Clinton presidency.

In particular, conservatives tout an employee pension fund that was fortified over the long term by the contribution requirements included in Act 10. According to from the nonprofit Equable Institute, the funding ratio for Wisconsin鈥檚 retirement programs exceeds 100%, ranking the sixth-best of any system in the country. The Pew Charitable Trusts has that the state effectively balances while also insulating retirees from inflation. 

Borsuk, a frequent critic of state Republicans who is married to a retired teacher, said the financial case for the law was 鈥渃lear and compelling,鈥� especially when contrasted with of neighboring Illinois, where state employee pension funds are ranked among the most over-extended in the nation. 

鈥淚t saves school districts a huge amount of money, and some of them were facing fairly dire circumstances in 2009 and 2010,鈥� he argued. 鈥淭eachers had to pay more to support their benefits, but to be honest, they got used to that, and life went on.鈥�

Yet many schools and districts aren鈥檛 as sanguine. Wisconsin鈥檚 annual spending per K鈥�12 student, which was 11% higher than the national average when Act 10 was being debated, just a decade later. Between 2002 and 2020, the state鈥檚 K鈥�12 spending grew at the third-slowest rate anywhere in the country. After adjusting for inflation, the median teacher鈥檚 take-home pay fell from $68,949 in 2011 to $59,250 in 2023, according to .

That trend resulted partially from an exodus of older teachers in the first few years after the law went into effect 鈥� that the exit rate rose from 5% to 9% in its immediate aftermath 鈥� and their replacement with lower-paid novices. Headcounts , but Kohlhaas described a period of heightened churn that saw schools鈥� relationships with families frayed as familiar and well-liked staffers left for other districts.

“The first couple of years after Act 10, the retirement parties were not celebrations,鈥� she said. 鈥淭he teachers, the secretaries, the nurses, the bus drivers, the paraprofessionals 鈥� usually the first faces that students see in the morning 鈥� were changing every year, or sometimes mid-year.鈥�

***

In a job market that was quickly becoming much more fluid, union membership also began to lose its appeal. School staff were increasingly on the move between districts, and the benefits of belonging to an organization with a severely narrowed scope of action were not always clear.

According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the proportion of union members in Wisconsin鈥檚 workforce , from 14.2% to 7.4%, between 2010 and 2023 (since that figure includes workers from all sectors, the drop for government employees is likely much steeper). A from the Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty, a right-leaning think tank, showed that the total number of unions holding annual recertification votes across the state declined from 540 in 2014 to 369 in 2018. 

The largest teachers鈥� union in the state, the Wisconsin Education Association Council, experienced of manpower and organizing heft. A conducted by a pair of researchers at the University of Wisconsin found that WEAC was forced to restructure and cut its staffing by about two-thirds. The retrenchment was made necessary by a freefall in the collection of dues, the payment of which was made voluntary by Act 10.

The loss of paid organizers could be offset, in part, by the efforts of teacher volunteers. But the union had no ready replacement for the millions of dollars in government relations funds that had suddenly evaporated; WEAC went from being one of the biggest lobbying forces in Madison to a second-tier player virtually overnight. 

Spillovers into elections were inevitable. In , Yale鈥檚 Biasi studied the effect of Act 10 on political donations during gubernatorial races in 2012 and 2014. Across all Wisconsin school districts, she calculated that the reform depressed contributions to the Democratic Party by 33.1 per 1,000 people, and by over 50 per 1,000 teachers. Scott Walker鈥檚 vote share increased by about 2 percentage points as a result. 

Unions 鈥渆ssentially stopped donating money to Democratic political campaigns after the reform because there was a huge drop in revenues coming in.鈥� Biasi said. 鈥淢embership went down, and so they just became increasingly less influential actors post-Act 10.鈥�

Gender politics were inflamed as well. Once collective bargaining was invalidated, individual teachers were left to negotiate their salaries by themselves 鈥� typically at the start of their work in a new school. But while these interactions occurred at the individual level, a significant pattern made itself felt over the course of several years: Male teachers were making more than female colleagues of similar age, effectiveness, and experience.

that, two years after the expiration of CBAs that had been in effect when Act 10 was signed, salaries for male staff were .4% higher than those for comparable female staff, a gap that grew to 1% after another three years. That estimate would be the equivalent of $540 per year, mostly attributable to women being over pay . While hardly lavish, the disparity could be seen as adding insult to the injury already sustained by .

***

Whether those wounds will be mended anytime soon is difficult to say. 

After the ruling issued in December, the fate of Act 10 will not be decided until an appeal is heard by the state Supreme Court. In all likelihood, much of 2025 will pass before a final ruling is delivered 鈥� most likely not until in April. The court鈥檚 liberal faction holds a 4-3 majority after Democrats to flip a Republican-held seat in 2023. This spring鈥檚 contest is also drawing national attention, with White House advisor Elon Musk contributing $1 million to support the Republican candidate.

Foes of the law were hopeful even before conservative Justice Brian Hagedorn announced in January that from hearing the case (Hagedorn had previously defended Act 10 in his capacity as Gov. Walker鈥檚 counsel). But some believe that even the wholesale rejection of the law wouldn鈥檛 restore to labor the primacy it formerly enjoyed.

Borsuk remarked that, with the expiration of federal pandemic aid last fall, local districts would be hard-pressed to grant generous new contracts to reinvigorated unions. Cities and towns have already had to dig deep to finance increases in school spending, of property tax hikes last fall to keep up with expenses. 

鈥淪chool districts in Wisconsin are under an enormous amount of financial pressure in every part of the state,鈥� he said. 鈥淭here’ll be some change, but it’s not like the golden era can return; there isn’t much gold.鈥�

But to Bazan, the prospect of an overturned Act 10 is too promising to dismiss. More than simple financial rewards, she said, she looked forward to regaining 鈥渁 voice outside the classroom.鈥� 

鈥淎 world without Act 10 is one where teachers get back the respect that we lost 14 years ago,鈥� she said. 鈥淲hen we lost that seat at the table, we lost a lot of that respect as well.鈥�

The nation鈥檚 second-largest teachers union was joined by its Maryland affiliate in the suit, filed in a Baltimore district court. It targets guidance from the Department of Education鈥檚 Office for Civil Rights in a Feb. 14 鈥淒ear Colleague鈥� letter sent to school officials across the country.

threatens to deny federal funding to any school that considers race in admissions, hirings, financial aid, scholarships, discipline policy and 鈥渁ll other aspects of student, academic and campus life.鈥� 

鈥淭he Department will no longer tolerate the overt and covert racial discrimination that

has become widespread in this Nation鈥檚 educational institutions,鈥� the letter says. 鈥淭he law is clear: treating students differently on the basis of race to achieve nebulous goals such as diversity, racial balancing, social justice or equity is illegal.鈥�

The lawsuit argues that the order鈥檚 vague language implies that all schools should get rid of all programming related to race and is actually an attempt at rewriting civil rights law.

The letter says all educational institutions must 鈥渃ease all efforts to circumvent prohibitions on the use of race鈥� and stop reliance on third-party agencies that are being used to 鈥渃ircumvent prohibited uses of race.鈥� Schools have until Feb. 28 to comply.

鈥淭he activities and programs that are described as unlawful include: classroom instruction

that confronts difficult and uncomfortable subjects and imparts critical thinking skills,鈥� the lawsuit says. 鈥淥rientations and training that equip students with the communication skills and tools to navigate complex social dynamics 鈥� and support services and extracurricular activities.鈥�

In the suit, the AFT argues that the Trump administration and the department misrepresented the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which bars discrimination on the basis of race in federally funded programs. The letter also leans on the 2023 Supreme Court decision in Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard 鈥� which outlawed race in college admissions 鈥� and argues that the ruling applies more broadly.

鈥淭his Letter is an unlawful attempt by the Department to impose this administration鈥檚 particular views of how schools should operate as if it were the law,鈥� the suit says.

Earlier this week, a different division of the Maryland district court granted a temporary restraining order in a separate lawsuit filed by the union. That one alleges that the department illegally gave Elon Musk鈥檚 Department of Government Efficiency access to millions of private and sensitive records.

Washington, D.C.

On Monday, a federal district court judge in Maryland granted a barring the Department of Education and the Office of Personnel Management from disclosing personally identifiable information to Elon Musk鈥檚 Department of Government Efficiency.

The American Federation of Teachers, the nation鈥檚 second-largest teachers union, filed a federal lawsuit with a coalition of labor unions Feb. 12 alleging that the department illegally gave DOGE access to millions of private and sensitive records.

The court ruled that the AFT would likely succeed in its lawsuit and agreed that the two agencies 鈥渓ikely violated the Privacy Act by disclosing their personal information to DOGE affiliates without their consent.鈥� The restraining order will expire March 10. 

鈥淭his is a significant decision that puts a firewall between actors whom we believe lack the legitimacy and authority to access Americans鈥� personal data and are using it inappropriately, without any safeguards,鈥� union President Randi Weingarten said in a press release.

In other action, the union announced on Feb. 19 that as part of a recently launched campaign called . 

The National Education Association, the nation’s largest teachers union, organized a rally outside the U.S. Capitol on Feb. 12 to protest the nomination of Linda McMahon as secretary of education.

In response to administration efforts to downsize federal agencies, the American Federation of Government Employees filed a lawsuit to stop a resignation program that prompted thousands of workers to leave their jobs. The nation鈥檚 largest federal employee union 鈥� which represents U.S. Department of Education staff 鈥� argued that the program was unlawful, .

California

Members of unions in 32 California school districts have banded together to negotiate a shared set of contract demands: improved wages and benefits, smaller class sizes, fully staffed schools and more resources for students.

The locals united as part of the California Teachers Association’s , which launched Feb. 4. The districts employ a total of 77,000 educators and teach 1 million students, and include some of the largest in the state: Los Angeles, San Diego, San Francisco, Oakland and Sacramento. 

Many of the unions鈥� contracts are set to expire this summer. California Teachers Association President David Goldberg said in a Feb. 4 webinar that the campaign is intended to build pressure statewide, .

At one charter school in the San Fernando Valley, teachers staged a four-day after working without a contract since July 1. Educators at El Camino Real Charter High School, who are represented by United Teachers Los Angeles, walked out from Feb. 10 to 14 before reaching an agreement that includes a 19% salary increase over three years, .

The nation’s first charter school strike occurred in 2018, a four-day work stoppage at Acero, one of Chicago鈥檚 largest charter school networks. The vast majority of charter schools are not unionized.

Idaho

A bill that would ban taxpayer funds from going toward teachers union operations advanced out of committee to the full House on Feb. 12. The bill鈥檚 sponsor, state Rep. Judy Boyle, said is intended to cut down on what she called 鈥渦nder-the-table鈥� dealings between school districts and unions, according to the .

HB98 would apply only to teachers unions, not to other public-sector unions that represent occupations like first responders, according to the Idaho Education Association. It would require teachers to use personal leave to do union work, eliminate payroll deductions for dues and ban distribution of union materials on school property. Violators could be fined up to $2,500.

鈥淭his wasn鈥檛 the outcome we wanted, but we鈥檙e not done fighting this bad bill yet,鈥� Chris Parri, the union’s political director, said . 鈥淲e鈥檒l need all hands on deck to kill it for good in the [state] Senate when the time comes.鈥� 

Illinois

The Chicago Teachers Union rejected a recommendation Feb. 4 from a neutral arbitrator that negotiators return to the bargaining table and reach agreement with Chicago Public Schools on a that includes higher pay for veteran teachers and more librarians. In a letter to the district, the union that the mediator 鈥渞ightly notes that [Chicago Public Schools] consistently signs 鈥� labor contracts despite claiming it lacks the funds to afford them.鈥�

Once the recommendation is rejected, the union has to wait 30 days before it can give the district a 10-day strike notice. The Chicago Teachers Union went on strike during contract negotiations for seven days in 2012, one day in 2016 and 11 days in 2019.

Massachusetts

Lawmakers questioned the state鈥檚 largest teachers union at a special hearing Feb. 10 over learning materials that some members believe were antisemitic. 

The Massachusetts Teachers Association, which represents more than 117,000 educators, was about the Israel-Hamas conflict. President Max Page said that the documents were created by request from the union’s board and published in a members-only area of the union website.

Examples included a poster on the Israel-Hamas war reading, 鈥渨hat was taken by force can only be returned by force鈥� and a book about a Palestinian girl who says, 鈥渁 group of bullies called Zionists wanted our land so they stole it by force and hurt many people,鈥� according to .

鈥淭he notion that our union is trying to 鈥榠ndoctrinate鈥� our young people is simply not true, and accusations to that effect have led to death threats to me and my staff, and to other attacks on our union,鈥� Page said. 鈥淧osting resources does not imply agreement with each and every document. Nor would we ever expect that our members would look at these resources with an uncritical eye.鈥�

An by the Israeli-American Civic Action Network that asks lawmakers and state agencies to halt collaboration with the union on legislation has received more than 17,000 signatures.

Utah

One of the first bills Gov. Spencer Cox signed into law this year bars teachers unions from bargaining collectively and conducting operations on school property.

The governor on Feb. 14, marking the end of a weeks-long debate about how public-sector unions should operate. Lawmakers who favored the bill said it will ensure transparency in unions and protect taxpayer resources, but educators said it will only make a job that鈥檚 already full of challenges more difficult.

While it doesn鈥檛 prevent employees from joining a union, the law prohibits public agencies 鈥� which employ teachers, firefighters, police officers and county workers, among others 鈥� from 鈥渞ecognizing a labor organization as a bargaining agent鈥� and 鈥渆ntering into collective bargaining contracts.鈥� 

The Utah Education Association said HB267 will also weaken advocacy because it cuts off access to schools by barring unions from using public property for free. Some opponents of the bill charged it was created to retaliate against the Utah Education Association, which is The association is the state鈥檚 largest teachers union, with 18,000 members.

Financial dysfunction is plaguing many city school districts.

is the most concerning. The district鈥檚 current $300 million budget gap is set to triple next year, which isn鈥檛 surprising since enrollment dropped 10% over six years as the district added staff. Now, it won鈥檛 close schools, won鈥檛 reduce the workforce and is being told by the mayor to give in to union demands for big raises. How would the math work? The mayor wants the district to take out a short-term, high-interest loan. Oh, and the city and district still need to work out how to .

is a close second. Two years ago, leaders agreed to a costly labor agreement that they admitted would require major cuts. But then they didn鈥檛 make those cuts. Instead, leaders exhausted all reserves and are borrowing money they鈥檒l have to pay back by 2026. What鈥檚 the plan for the $100 million budget deficit? None yet. 

Why are financial crises suddenly common among large urban districts? Federal relief funds are part of the issue. Despite warnings that the money was temporary, many city districts used those one-time funds for salary raises and new staff hires.  

Some never had a plan for what would happen next. For example, when the federal relief funds ended, leaders in seemed surprised by a glaring $143 million hole in their budget forecast.

Of course, it鈥檚 never easy to cut labor. But avoidance makes it worse over time. In a recent hostage-like negotiation, the superintendent demanded $10 million from the city within 24 hours or the district would start issuing pink slips.

Falling birth rates are another factor. Over the long term, fewer kids means fewer dollars and a need for fewer schools. Closing schools is tough work, and many city districts especially aren鈥檛 up for it. In , schools are down to capacity. After pressing pause on its school closures, now has until Dec. 15 to come up with an alternative or face a potential .

Sometimes it鈥檚 basic financial mismanagement. For months, , inadvertently overpaid its staff, which, not surprisingly, has created a drain on the budget.

got behind on filing its financial reports and ended up with a state-imposed 鈥渃orrective action plan鈥� that involved repayment of $43 million. After the state imposed an external financial audit, the district has since .

In , where Las Vegas is located, 鈥渕iscalculations鈥� keep shifting the budget gap by tens of millions. And because New Orleans dragged its feet on surfacing a $20 million miscalculation of local tax revenue, each of its schools must cut some six or more staff midyear.

In St. Louis, the issue appears to be an unwarranted spending spree by a newly hired 鈥� and now fired 鈥� superintendent.

All these financial messes are leaving kids in the lurch. The dysfunction destabilizes the district, often leaving little time to make consequential decisions like staffing cuts or school closures. Employees are demoralized. Trust in the system erodes. Families with means pursue other options. Most of all, the financial upheaval takes all eyes off the district鈥檚 primary responsibility: student learning.

What is it about city school systems that predisposes them to such financial dysfunction? One obvious factor is that leaders are underprepared to manage complex financial operations that can involve upward of a billion dollars 鈥� or more 鈥� in public funds. Coming off a that outpaced inflation, few of today鈥檚 leaders have any experience with making hard budget tradeoffs. As forecasts change, leaders ignore the signs, stall or, in the case of , pass off major budget-cutting to a task force of 40 volunteers.  

Another reality is the intense, unbalanced political dynamics common in today鈥檚 urban centers. Powerful labor groups make unaffordable demands. Vocal parents resist program reductions or school closures. Some elected board members reverse planned cuts, imagining they鈥檙e defending constituents from the heartless bean counters in the district鈥檚 finance office. The good finance leaders flee the turmoil. Eventually, the district runs out of beans.

Strong district leadership should be an antidote. Leaders need to be , sharing options and explaining financial tradeoffs. They need to make hard choices, laser-focused on what鈥檚 best for students. They need to safeguard their schools’ financial integrity, ensuring that today鈥檚 decisions don鈥檛 erode the education of tomorrow鈥檚 students.

Missing in action are states. Typically, legislatures throw up their hands and bemoan local control. Many are wary of state takeover policies in part because of their of impacts on students.

But there are . Requiring multi-year budget forecasts and minimum levels of fiscal reserves are a start. States can then adopt policies that get triggered when districts overspend and deplete those reserves, each with the goal of helping the district get back on track. With some 80% to 90% of expenses going to personnel, states could mandate that labor contracts be reopened for renegotiation. They could appoint a financial auditor to communicate honestly about district finances. Also triggered could be a requirement that the board and leaders undergo finance training and hold more frequent meetings until budget gaps are addressed.

Standing by while finances erode further in these urban districts is unfair to the many students who depend on their leaders to manage the billions being deployed for their education. Continuing to look the other way will make things worse. City kids need the adults to figure this out.

But in late 2023, Abbott began speaking out against him. With the support of other lawmakers and several political action committees, the governor began portraying Allison as weak on border security and property tax relief 鈥� two no-compromise issues for Texas GOP voters. In February, one PAC ran a calling Allison 鈥渨rong for Texas.鈥�

The San Antonio Express-News as 鈥渆asily the most qualified candidate in this race,鈥� but the attacks stuck: Voters in his district in the March 5 primary, overwhelmingly choosing Marc LaHood, a criminal defense attorney with no political experience, as the Republican nominee.

In an interview, Allison said his defeat came down to one unlikely issue: school choice, specifically his opposition to Abbott鈥檚 long-stalled effort to enact a statewide Education Savings Account to help families pay for private and homeschool expenses.

It鈥檚 a scenario that鈥檚 playing out in Texas and beyond as lawmakers, pushing to remake legislative maps, increasingly turn for assistance to groups like the American Federation for Children and the School Freedom Fund, a pro-ESA group tied to tech billionaire Jeff Yass. Yass, a well-known Pennsylvania-based school choice proponent and investor in TikTok parent company Byte Dance, has spent millions to promote ESAs.

The effort has already changed the ballot this November and produced an unprecedented shift in statehouses, with lawmakers increasingly approving taxpayer support for private education. Seventeen states now have universal or near-universal ESA programs. 

Whether it鈥檚 via a traditional voucher, which gives families tuition for private education, a tax credit, or a less restrictive ESA fund, the idea is increasingly finding favor in state legislatures. In Florida, families can receive 72% of what the state spends per-pupil; in Arizona, it equals 90%. The pro-school-choice group EdChoice has estimated that more than now take advantage of ESAs, up from 40,000 in 2022.

But many rural conservatives fear the funding won鈥檛 be useful in isolated areas where private schools are unlikely to open. In many small towns, school districts are the largest employer, making ESAs political kryptonite.

A few observers say the development also could backfire. Mark P. Jones, a political scientist at Rice University, warned that a rightward primary shift could spell defeat for Republicans in the Nov. 5 general election.

鈥淚t is possible, even after all the craziness, even after all the attacks and the millions of dollars spent, particularly by a particular TikTok owner, that you’ve got a situation where Abbott may not get his vouchers after all,鈥� Jones said.

鈥楽o wrong for Tennessee taxpayers鈥�

For the moment, school choice efforts are moving full-speed ahead. FutureEd, a Georgetown University think tank, private-school choice bills in 34 states, with most aiming to broaden options like ESAs.

The effort is playing out in states like , and, most recently, in Tennessee, where the School Freedom Fund spent an estimated against Republicans who stopped a in 2024. Among their targets: Sen. Frank S. Niceley, a 20-year legislative veteran who boasted a lifetime on the conservative Tennessee Legislative Report Card. 

The fund painted him as 鈥渓iberal Frank Niceley,鈥� with one ad to give undocumented students in-state tuition benefits at Tennessee colleges, adding, 鈥淣o wonder there’s an invasion.鈥� Playing on his last name, it concluded: 鈥淣ice to illegals, but so wrong for Tennessee taxpayers.鈥�

Niceley in July that allowing out-of-state PACs to label the most conservative senator as a liberal amounted to trashing elections in favor of pre-determined outcomes by interest groups. 鈥淛ust call up and ask 鈥檈m who they want.鈥�

A statewide voucher, Niceley said, ran counter to Tennessee鈥檚 reputation for curbing what he called wasteful spending.

Early evidence in other states suggests that while ESAs are popular, their benefits often take the form of tuition discounts for families whose children are . In Iowa last year, for the state鈥檚 ESA came from such students. In Florida, .

Despite Niceley鈥檚 plea for frugality, in August, primary voters ousted him in favor of Jessie Seal, a public relations director for a medical facility. 

Celebrating the defeat of Niceley and others, David McIntosh, a former Indiana congressman and the School Freedom Fund president, said, 鈥淢ake no mistake: if you call yourself a Republican and oppose school freedom, you should expect to lose your next primary.鈥� 

McIntosh declined an interview request.

Abbott鈥檚 鈥榳hite whale鈥�

On the flip side, teachers鈥� unions are well-known for supporting both Democratic candidates and anti-school-choice legislation. In this political cycle, the National Education Association has spent $21,800,773, according to , a nonprofit that follows money in politics. The American Federation of Teachers has spent $3,949,330.

In Texas, anti-ESA Republicans earned support from a PAC funded by H-E-B grocery store chain heir Charles Butt. It threw in more than $4 million last winter, equal to what the School Freedom Fund a dozen Republicans who blocked Abbott鈥檚 voucher legislation.

Voters have rewarded the Freedom Fund鈥檚 efforts: Over the past few months, they鈥檝e sent more than a dozen anti-ESA lawmakers packing. Abbott has persuaded a handful of others to retire rather than face difficult primaries. 

Yass, the TikTok billionaire, more than $12 million in this political cycle, while Miriam Adelson, owner of the Las Vegas Sands casinos, about $13 million, making the pair 鈥� residents of Pennsylvania and Nevada, respectively 鈥� Texas’ two biggest political donors.

School choice backers hope that kind of support ultimately results in a win for ESAs, a goal that has repeatedly eluded Abbott. 

Jon Taylor, a political scientist at the University of Texas at San Antonio, joked that ESAs have become Abbott鈥檚 鈥渨hite whale,鈥� one of the few legislative wins he can鈥檛 seem to earn.

Jones, the Rice political scientist, noted that several red-leaning states, including Florida, Georgia and Arizona, have ESAs. Texas Republicans have enjoyed a unified government since 2003, he said, creating a kind of 鈥渄issonance鈥� between Texas鈥� perception as the most conservative state and Abbott鈥檚 inability to seal the deal.

While the financial support of Yass and groups like the School Freedom Fund may seem unprecedented, Jeanne Allen of the Center for Education Reform, said it merely serves to counterbalance 鈥渢he enormously, humongously large coffers鈥� of teachers鈥� unions and the educational establishment.

鈥淭he choice movement support, even with lots of wealthy people, pales in comparison to the tens of millions of dollars, hundreds of millions of dollars of in-kind and financial support that the unions put into legislative races,” said Allen, who also directs the . She called the development 鈥渙bviously overdue.鈥�

Allison said he opposed Abbott鈥檚 plan because Texas families already have many options, from magnet schools to charters to a program that lets students in low-performing schools transfer out. Lawmakers, he said, have approved countless programs that provide 鈥渃hoice on top of choice on top of choice鈥� within districts.

Recent polling on school choice isn鈥檛 necessarily conclusive: of respondents to a recent University of Texas survey said they support spending taxpayer dollars to help families pay for private school. Meanwhile, a poll from the University of Houston and Texas Southern University found 65% support.  

鈥榃e lost some very good members鈥�

On occasion, the push to defeat lawmakers like Allison has taken an ugly turn. Last October, while he was down in Austin for one of several special sessions, an activist pulled a onto his suburban street. Mounted on the back were huge video screens that broadcast messages saying the former school board member 鈥渉ates children鈥� and 鈥渟upports rogue administrators.鈥�

鈥淭hey also came up on the lawn and videoed and scared my wife and scared kids in the neighborhood,鈥� he said. The truck鈥檚 commotion forced police to reroute a school bus.

Though lawmakers in Texas don鈥檛 convene again until early 2025, the effects are already playing out, said Allison. 鈥淲e lost some very good members because of this 鈥� and some very experienced members.鈥�

That could affect the legislature鈥檚 institutional memory and its ability to deal not just with education but other urgent issues, he said. 鈥淲e’ve got a population that is growing by leaps and bounds. We’ve got some serious infrastructure problems: water, roads, bridges. Property taxes. I mean, it just goes on and on. So to single us out and to focus so much by the governor on this one issue is very shortsighted.鈥�

Jones, the Rice political scientist, noted that while legislatures turn over regularly, the more immediate impact will be the 鈥�de facto purge鈥� of House moderates. While he predicted that Abbott will likely gain enough support on Nov. 5 to pass some sort of voucher 鈥� perhaps not a particularly robust one 鈥� Taylor said Abbott鈥檚 aggressive pursuit of centrists could backfire, tilting as many as nine House districts into Democratic hands. Texas Democrats have said they hope to flip several seats based on what they call Abbotts鈥� .

In what may be the final irony of his ordeal, Allison reluctantly predicted that LaHood, who beat him in the primary, may have difficulty winning the seat against newcomer Democrat . LaHood in 2022 lost a race for county district attorney to a Democratic incumbent. 

One of Allison鈥檚 soon-to-be-former colleagues, Democratic Rep. Trey Martinez Fischer, who represents a nearby district, in June Democrats鈥� hopes to gain seats 鈥渋ncreased tenfold鈥� with LaHood鈥檚 primary win.

For his part, Allison didn鈥檛 hesitate when asked if he thought the district might flip blue in November. 鈥淚 think there’s a very good chance,鈥� he said.

Roughly 300 employees are not receiving pay or benefits during the lockout. The union, the National Education Association Staff Organization (NEASO), has been without a contract since May 31.

The NEASO launched the strike 鈥� its second walkout this summer 鈥� on July 5 in Philadelphia, during contract negotiations and the union鈥檚 annual delegate assembly. In response, the NEA canceled the remainder of the conference, which had been scheduled to go through the weekend. Biden was supposed to speak at the event but pulled out, refusing to cross the picket line.

On July 8, the day after the conference had been scheduled to end, NEA shuttered its office doors.

Hundreds of NEASO members rallied in front of NEA headquarters in Washington, D.C., on July 8 and 10, calling the lockout unlawful and punitive. 

鈥淭hey have tried to paint the picture of NEASO as being disrespectful. They have tried to paint the picture of NEASO being individuals who are greedy,鈥� Robin McLean, NEASO president, said at the July 10 rally. 鈥淭hey look at us like we are not humans. They have bars on the doors so you can鈥檛 get in. Who does that?鈥�

Contract negotiations focus primarily on wages, such as an annual 4% raise, a return to annual salary step increases after a 12-year freeze and limits on when the NEA can contract out bargaining unit work. 

NEASO staged a previous strike in June, claiming the union has a history of engaging in bad-faith bargaining tactics and committing other unfair labor practices. The union has with the National Labor Relations Board this year, including allegations that the NEA withheld holiday overtime pay and failed to give information on the outsourcing of millions of dollars in bargaining unit work.

In , NEASO alleged that a manager physically assaulted a staffer and retaliated after the employee reported the attack. It also claimed that the NEA has unilaterally changed working conditions without bargaining them.

NEA officials have . In an email statement July 8, a spokesperson said the union has 鈥渁lways bargained in good faith and remain[s] fully committed to and respect[s] the collective bargaining process.鈥�

鈥淥ver the past two weeks, NEASO employees have walked off their jobs twice,鈥� NEA said in the email. 鈥淭o best protect the interests of our members, the Association and our staff, we have made the difficult decision to institute a protective lockout of the NEASO-represented employees to safeguard NEA鈥檚 operations.鈥�

In a letter to Kim Anderson, NEA executive director, McLean contested union claims that the walkouts weren’t covered under the National Labor Relations Act. She said the job actions weren鈥檛 unlawful because they weren鈥檛 a 鈥渁 plan to strike, return to work and strike again鈥� or a strategy of a 鈥渕ultiplicity of little 鈥榟it and run鈥� work stoppages鈥� to harass the organization.

NEASO has repeatedly called for NEA to allow staff to return to their offices, saying the union鈥檚 decision to lock employees out is unlawful retaliation. 

鈥淚t is my sincere hope that NEA will start complying with the National Labor Relations Act, cease and desist in any further unfair labor practices and comport itself like a labor union, not like an anti-union corporation,鈥� McLean wrote in the July 11 letter.

鈥淣EA has offered and remains prepared to reach an agreement that provides raises and a competitive salary, maintains all aspects of a generous package of benefits, a pension plan that provides a secure retirement for all staff and accessible, high-quality health care for staff and their families,鈥� the union said in a July 8 statement.

Erin Wagner, who has worked as a senior digital strategist for NEA the past six years, said at the July 10 rally that she has hardly seen any change in her compensation since she was hired.

鈥淥n the salary that I make, trying to live here, trying to raise my daughter in this city, it鈥檚 just not sustainable,鈥� said Wagner, who lives in Washington. 鈥淚 am one of the 25% of NEASO members who have to work second and third jobs just to work here.鈥�

McLean urged members to stand their ground through the lockout and negotiations. 

鈥淩emember we can鈥檛 get weary. We have to stand the course. We have to see this to the end. The very end,鈥� she told the crowd at the July 10 rally. 鈥淪ome may say that how do you do it? I do it because of you. I worked with all of you for almost 23 years as of August. I don鈥檛 take this role lightly. We are making a difference. Stand the course. We鈥檙e going to win.鈥�

The stress, burnout and strains on teachers have compounded so significantly that students, families and educators themselves face an undeniable crisis. Educators for Excellence鈥檚 seventh annual teacher survey shows that just 19% of teachers say the profession is sustainable and only 16% would recommend it to others. Simply put, America’s education system is failing teachers and students.

While the world has evolved rapidly, the same cannot be said for the teaching profession. When I began teaching in 2007, I can vividly remember pausing after dismissing my after-school club and realizing I had been with students for the past nine hours. My day was focused solely on my classroom. I had little time to take care of personal matters, let alone collaborate with or learn from my colleagues to better our collective teaching skills. I loved my work and knew it was important, but I also knew that my students weren鈥檛 getting my best under these working conditions.

The survey results paint a picture that is eerily similar to the conditions of my school in 2007. Teachers are still asked to do too much with too little. They are rarely afforded opportunities to demonstrate the full extent of their skills or collaborate with their colleagues to increase their professional learning: Just 26% say the profession is dynamic and less than half, 46%, say it鈥檚 collaborative. This is evidenced by historically low teacher morale, with less than half expressing a commitment to staying in education for the long haul.

Piecemeal solutions have been ineffective, as evidenced by teachers鈥� calls for change. Instead, what’s needed is an urgent and sweeping transformation of the profession. Teachers unequivocally want something different, but they also want to 鈥� and ought to be 鈥� meaningfully engaged in designing and implementing the change that comes.

When teachers are given the opportunity to voice their opinions to those who can make meaningful change in the profession, they are clear in what they want to see. First, teachers want more collaboration: 63% report wanting more time to work with colleagues, making it the most popular activity out of 13 provided options, including wanting more time for grading, lesson planning, professional development or even classroom instruction. They also report wanting to learn about innovative approaches to teaching and learning: alternatives to the one-teacher, one-classroom model; how to use research-backed instructional practices; and how to incorporate emerging technologies that drive student success, such as artificial intelligence. 

How can teachers drive transformation within their own profession? Though state and national policy has a critical role to play, an often overlooked but deeply essential tool for unlocking transformation exists elsewhere, in one built by educators themselves: teachers contracts. 

Contracts serve as the guiding document of the profession, creating the structure within which teachers and students navigate teaching and learning. They are intended to be democratic documents, allowing teachers to shape the profession from within their ranks and empowering them to lead from their classrooms.

Far too often, though, they instead create rigidity and immutability that prevent school leaders and teachers from shaping their school together and evolving alongside the rest of the world. They usually codify a one-size-fits-all job description that ignores teachers鈥� individual skills and passions, limiting the ability of a school community to shift and meet the students’ needs through the talents of their educators. With just a third of teachers reporting being very satisfied with their union鈥檚 negotiating priorities, the moment begs reflection on how contracts can address dissatisfaction with the state of the profession and instead welcome innovative new approaches.  

Thankfully, there are shining examples where districts have seriously rethought what teacher contracts look like, designing them in a way that directly addresses educators’ strengths and needs. Take Ravenswood City School District in California, for example. There, district and union leaders worked together to develop a contract that allows issues such as class size and compensation to be renegotiated at specified times during its term. This offers a unique built-in mechanism for reflection and adjustment, giving teachers a regular opportunity to build a profession that supports them and their students鈥� ever-changing strengths and needs. The contract also provided for salary increases and an innovative career ladder designed to incentivize and reward exceptional performance. Ravenswood鈥檚 new approach was tested through a soft launch and pilot year with built-in opportunities for renegotiation, allowing teachers to get a feel for the changes and the ability to make final revisions.

To fundamentally redesign the role of the teacher, creating modern classrooms ready to better serve students and truly appreciate educators, contracts must be modified to reflect the collaborative, dynamic and sustainable profession teachers are asking for.

Right now, starting with Teacher Appreciation Month and continuing far beyond, is the time to ignite a national conversation around the crisis in K-12 public education. It is time to elevate the voices and power of teachers and to deliver upon a fundamental shift in the education structure. Voices from the Classroom shares the shifts teachers would like to see. It鈥檚 time to listen. 

First, some context-setting. Child care unionization is extremely scattershot. There are a few large family child care unions in states like California and Illinois, and a bare handful of center-based unions. As The Hechinger Report back in 2020: 鈥淭he child care industry, which is made up of many small businesses with high employee turnover, is largely nonunionized. Just a quarter of home-based providers belonged to an association or a union last year, according to a survey conducted by the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at the University of California, Berkeley.鈥�

Because most centers are either single sites or small local chains, unionization is difficult. That said, none of the large corporate chains鈥揔indercare, the largest, has over 36,000 employees鈥揾ave seen significant unionization efforts. (notably, after employees at a Kindercare center affiliated with the University of Southern California voted in 2016 to become the first unionized Kindercare site, Kindercare coincidentally less than a month later.) (a 2021 about unionization, with comments by employees of some of the large child care chains, makes for fascinating reading.) In some cases, pre-K educators who work at school-based sites are folded into teacher鈥檚 unions. Family child care providers may have an easier time because they can collectively bargain against their state government in search of a better contract, as happened in California. However, as the think tank CLASP , in much of the country family providers have no legal ability to unionize:

The effectiveness of what unions do exist in child care suggests how important they can be. The CLASP report notes examples from early educators in New Mexico gaining hazard pay during the pandemic to those in Rhode Island getting the right to Spanish language liaisons at the state鈥檚 Department of Human Services, which oversees child care. The retirement fund won by California鈥檚 union, Child Care Providers United, sets a national precedent.

Unions, by dint of their organizing prowess, can also help the sector writ large flex its muscles. This has been very apparent overseas, as unions in places like and have been instrumental in their respective child care policy progress. It is also the case on a smaller scale in the U.S.; for instance, the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) was one of the participants in Connecticut鈥檚 successful 鈥樷�� effort. The presence of unions also opens the door to what is known as 鈥�,鈥� where an agreement is reached that covers an entire workforce. One form of sectoral bargaining just concluded in California, where all fast food workers .

To be clear, unionization is not a panacea. While technically even the employees of small businesses like single-site child care centers can unionize, the barriers to such actions tend to be high. Moreover, unions sometimes work at cross-purposes to other stakeholder groups and even other unions. In New York City, three different unions variously represent school-based pre-K teachers, community-based pre-K teachers, family child care providers, Head Start teachers, and certain child care center directors. This can understandably .

Nevertheless, unionization should absolutely be a bigger part of the child care conversation. The strategy has been around for a while 鈥� the first recorded instance of child care union is in 1949, and there was a unionization published by the Child Care Employee Project in 1986 鈥� but it has rarely been front and center. Increasing unionization opportunities will require a basket of different tactics, from advancing more state laws that authorize collective bargaining by family child care providers to center-based educators to build support among employees of the big corporate chains. Such efforts will also require financial backing from philanthropies and other sources. In this year of high union activity, there may be no better moment to start charging up child care educator power 鈥� power that will be badly needed in the battles to come.

Parents and the public are represented by superintendents and school boards, but at school sites they rely on principals and other supervisors. However, in many of the largest districts, these school managers are also union members.

Having seen the gains teachers unions made for their members both in salary and working conditions, administrators unions would like to copy that success.

There are 92,000 principals working in the public schools, and another 100,000 assistant principals. The vast majority have long backgrounds in teaching. The average principal had 12 years in the classroom before moving to an administrative role.

In many states, public school teachers are banned or restricted from bargaining collectively, and the hurdles are even higher for administrators, who can be viewed as both labor and management.

Principals unions were originally formed along with teachers unions in the 1960s and 1970s, but it wasn鈥檛 just superintendents and other district managers who found the event problematic. The passed a resolution in 1977 demanding the ouster of school administrators from the AFL-CIO, with which both are affiliated, citing their managerial responsibilities. AFT also claimed the administrators would 鈥渟ubvert collective bargaining achievements of organized teachers鈥� and 鈥渃ast teachers in an anti-union role.鈥�

Despite these differences, principals unions mirrored AFT in policies, structure and composition. is the national umbrella union for five state chapters and 85 local affiliates. It鈥檚 small, with a budget of just $1.5 million, and acts primarily as a federal lobbying arm. The union鈥檚 priorities are very similar to those of the teachers unions.

Last month, union President Leonard Pugliese , calling on him to 鈥渄evelop and implement a Marshall Plan for public education.鈥� This is something both and have advocated.

supported legislation to mandate an assistant principal in every public school and to integrate social-emotional learning concepts into pre-K-12 education.

Naturally, it wants to expand its membership as well. 鈥淚n districts without school leader unions, the workload has increased, but the compensation hasn鈥檛 moved accordingly. We need to help organize the unorganized school leaders, so they can protect themselves, too,鈥� said Pugliese.

As with the AFT, by far the largest portion of federation membership works in the New York City Public Schools, represented by the . The New York City administrators account for more than 63% of the national union鈥檚 22,000 members.

The council has an additional quirk that may be unique among all labor unions: More than 53% of its total membership are retirees. While the national union operates on a shoestring, the New York City branch collects $18.4 million in dues, and its president was paid more than $287,000 in 2022.

Principals unions tend to form in large cities. AFSA has locals in Chicago, San Francisco, Boston, Baltimore, Detroit, St. Louis, Oakland, San Diego, Denver, Seattle, Portland and Washington, D.C. Los Angeles also has an administrators union, but it is independent.

While some of these unions have existed for many years, they can’t all bargain collectively. The Chicago Principals and Administrators Association

Acting alone, administrators unions have no more power or influence than any other small advocacy group. But when they act in concert with teachers unions, they can leave school sites with all labor and no management. Without it, parents and the public lose much of their influence over their schools.

Mike Antonucci鈥檚 Union Report appears most Wednesdays; see the full archive.